THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA 1513 -1999 COURAGE, ENDURANCE AND ADAPTATION (2nd Edition) Antonio M. Jorge da Silva

EDITORS lnstituto Internacional de Macau/ Universidade de Macau TITLE The Portuguese in China 1513-1999 Courage, Endurance and Adaptation AUTHOR Antonio M. Jorge da Silva COPYEDITING Timothy Alan Simpson DESIGN Angela Canavarro Ramos PRINTING Castle Productions Limited CIRCULATION 500 copies SUPPORT FUNDA<;AO MACAU Macau, January, 2021 ISBN - 978-99965-59-55-6

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CONTENTS Page Acknowledgements ............................................................................................. 7 Preface .............................................................................................................. 11 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 15 Chapter 1 Chapter 2 Chapter 3 Chapter 4 Chapter 5 Chapter 6 Chapter 7 Chapter 8 Chapter 9 Chapter 10 Chapter 11 Chapter 12 Chapter 13 Portuguese Settlement of Macau ................................................. 21 The Macau-Nagasaki Trade .....•.................................................... 33 Macaenses, the Portuguese in China ....••••••••............••••••••....•••••••. 45 British Imperialism, Opium, the Pirate Threat ............••................. 59 Macau after the Opium Wars .•.................................................... 75 Macaense Communities in Hong Kong and Shanghai ...........••••••••. 89 First Half of the Twentieth Century in Macau ............................. 103 Macaenses in Hong Kong during World War 11 ...........•••••••.......... 115 Refugees in Macau 1941-1945 •.................................................. 125 Global Diaspora of the Macaenses ............................................. 131 Identity Redefined after the Diaspora .........................•.............. 139 Transformation of Macau 1960-2020 ......................................... 147 In Conclusion .......•••••••...........•.............••••••..............•••••......•••••• 159

Appendix 1 The Nationality Issue •••...•........•.............••••••...•..........•••••••........•• 165 Appendix 2 Macaense Cuisine •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 173 Appendix 3 Church Records Reference List .•.............•••••••..........•............••••••• 175 Bibliography ..........•••••••..............•••••••...........•..........•.••••••••............••••••••......•••• 179 Index •...••.............•.••.•.................••••.............•..............••••...............••.........•.•••. 191 List of Illustrations and Maps ...........................•......................................................... 205 Author's Autobiography ................................•.................................................. 209

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The publication of this, my thesis, to preserve the history of the Portuguese in China, is a privilege I treasure. My gratitude goes to those who assisted and encouraged me to make it possible. First and foremost, I must thank the lnstituto Internacional de Macau (IIM), their President Jorge Rangel and their General Secretary Rufino Ramos for supporting me and my work throughout the years. Thank you, Professor Agnes Lam of the University of Macau, for your support and involvement in the publication of this book and thank you Professor Tim Simpson for your advice and excellent work in copyediting this book for me. My gratitude also goes to the University of Macau for their support of my work. I will never forget the support and enthusiasm of Stanford University Professor, Dr. Ming Chan in making the Chinese translation and publication of the updated First Edition of this book a reality. His recommendations resulted in the publication of this Second Edition. My deep gratitude goes to Professor Tze-ki Hon of the State University of New York at Geneseo, my mentor and friend, who guided me through the basics of writing to academic standards always directing me to fulfil my aspiration. 7

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THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Praia Grande, Macau 1860 Watercolor by Michael McDougall ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Based on a photograph in the Peabody-Essex Museum, Salem, Massachusetts Courtesy: Gerald McDougall collection 9

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THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Preface The history of the Portuguese in China is quickly fading away after the close of the twentieth century, with little written about the very people who lived and participated in the dynamics of colonialism during the establishment of Western trade along the shores of China. History books have been written about the final phase of the Era of Portuguese Discoveries - the kingdom's discovery of China and Japan. In these books, Western historians have discussed Macau and its early settlement, trade relations with China, the Japan Trade, and how the English displaced the Portuguese monopoly of trade with China. However, little has been written in English or Chinese about the descendants of the Portuguese settlers, particularly those who left Macau to live and work in other parts of China. Macaenses, or Macanese as they are known today, are the descendants of the Portuguese who settled in Macau in 1557. Their Lusa-Asiatic heritage, which evolved from the very outset of the settlement in Macau, is unique in its global timeframe, the very beginning of what is today commonplace in the multinational societies of the Western world. They are an integral part of the Portuguese people and their history in Macau, Hong Kong, Shanghai, and the Treaty Ports along the Chinese coast must be recognized. They should not remain "a footnote in history." To this end I have written and dedicated eight books outlining their history, recording their names, reflecting those in the photographs gathered from the community worldwide, and exploring their unique cuisine.1 As the handover of both Hong Kong and Macau loomed on the horizon, I saw the urgency for the preservation of the names and faces of the Macaense people. I saw their communities in Macau, Hong Kong and Shanghai dispersing to many countries in the world and realized that many friends and indeed families would be disengaged and their identities would similarly fade away as time passed and the generations advance. Photographs of those communities needed to be gathered and the 1 These books include: The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong - two volumes, Diaspora Macaense to California, The Portuguese Community in Shanghai, The Portuguese Community in Macau, Macaense Cuisine, its History and Evolution, Macaenses - the Portuguese in China, and The Macau Portuguese - Courage, Endurance and Adaptation: Chinese version. 11

individuals identified. I did my best in the pictorial series and wish I had begun decades before. Likewise, the story of the people should be told and recorded, which led me to write this book. Macaenses - The Portuguese in China, published in 2015, is a book I wrote on this subject. Condensed, and with new material added, it was translated into Chinese. Technically a revised second edition, but its title changed to The Macau Portuguese - Courage, Endurance and Adaptation. This, the 2nd Edition of that book which was published in 2015, adapts the revisions made for the Chinese translation and further revises the original text. This book is intended to communicate the comprehensive history of the people of this tiny Portuguese settlement and as such will reiterate segments of what I have written in my other publications. However, it goes further in discussing their origins and the prejudiced colonial attitude toward those of mixed race and those non-Europeans. Events known to historians, students of history, and some individuals are purposely made part of the text as they afford those less familiar with a better perspective. This book is not only about the people of Macau, but also the descendants of the Portuguese who were born, or whose ancestors were born, in Macau, and who left to live and work in other coastal cities in China. It tells of their complex multi-racial, multilingual and multidimensional lives that evolved through four and a half centuries in the secluded and tiny Portuguese enclave of Macau, then Hong Kong and Shanghai. Miscegenation is mentioned frequently in the text as the Macaenses were encumbered with the stigma of identity over the centuries. Much of the discussion in this text may be sensitive to some and disputed by others. To bury it in the fading memories of times gone by is to allow its omission in history. Bringing it to the forefront will bring answers to some, questions to others, and certainly stimulate some controversy. My own family was part of this multi-cultural world. My maternal ties to Macau date back to early 1737 when an orphan of Chinese parents was baptized into the Catholic Church and given the name Jose de Santo Antonio. His descendants, three generations later in the early 1900s, married into the Jorge family that has been in Macau since before 1740. Jose Vicente Caetano Jorge, my 2nd great-grandfather, who negotiated with the Chinese Tou-T'oi during the Opium War, was from that Jorge family. My paternal 3rd great-grandfather was Miguel de Arriaga, the Crown Judge 12

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA (Ouvidor) sent from Portugal to Macau in 1802 to avert British attempts to control the city. My 2nd great-grandfather Anacleto Jose da Silva, from Vila Real in Northern Portugal, commanded the Brig Indiana, one of the six Portuguese ships that fought and defeated the pirates led by Cheung-Po Tsai in 1809. They were all my ancestors and are part of the history of Macau. Antonio M. Jorge da Silva 13

,., ~-~ 6 ~) • \_-r ) ,/ . . L ,., -~ 0 r ... ~ • -. .:-• CHINA ; • J ~/ JJ·· KTUS(')~ ·: , -·~ANEOAStflMA l f ~:=_~ 'PACIFIC OCEAN INOIAN OCEAN Portuguese Voyages of Discovery 1400-1550 b Portuguese Voyages of Discovery - 1400-1550 14

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA INTRODUCTION Little was known in the early fifteenth century about the majority of the European population of the West African coast and the seas beyond. However, the Silk Road dated to the second century BCE. The Silk Road was a network of trade routes stretching from the north of China along the Great Wall, then north of the Himalayas to the Mediterranean Sea, ultimately connecting East and West. This caravan land route carried silk from the East, and wool, gold and silver from the West. This route was used less and less with the decline of the Roman Empire and the growth of Arab power from the eighth to the fifteenth centuries. Since maritime routes were safer and more efficient, they eventually superseded the land route that formed the Silk Road. Unfamiliar to the Europeans was that the merchandise that emerged from the coasts of India, the Malay Peninsula, and the Spice Islands, and was controlled by the Arabs, was transported by sea through the Persian Gulf and along the Red Sea to the western markets on the Mediterranean. Shortly after the ousting of the Arabs from Portuguese soil in 1249, the Spaniards and the Portuguese turned on each other over territorial disputes. In 1340, with the threat of another Arab invasion from Morocco, they set their differences aside to unite and dispel the invaders. With the threat of Arab invasion terminated, the Castilian Spaniards and the Portuguese returned to their own territorial clashes. Peace finally concluded between Portugal and Castile in 1411, permitting the Portuguese to attack the Arabs on their own soil. In 1415, the Portuguese launched a campaign to conquer the North African port of Ceuta from which the Arabs launched their invasion seven hundred years before. The Portuguese learned much from their captives and traders who did not have enough time to evacuate before the invasion and subsequent quick victory by the Portuguese. Their accounts of Arab-controlled caravan routes across North Africa, and the immense wealth of gold from the Niger and Senegal rivers on the west coast of Africa, as well as their revelation of the trade routes to the Malabar Coast of India, and Spice Islands, silk, and precious stones that lay beyond Borneo, greatly interested the Portuguese, and they entered into the commercial arena of Europe under the influence of the Italians. Knowing that Arab-controlled North African caravans which carried these treasures were coming to western cities by land, the Portuguese must have concluded that using a sea route was more logical than battling their way through Muslim-held land routes. This predicated them to seek an alternate route by sea for transport of gold 15

and spices. Together with the mandate to spread Christianity, these were the motives behind the Portuguese "Voyages of Discovery" that would change the world. But did the European discovery of the East change the world, or was it what those voyagers found in the East that changed Europe? This question forms the basic thesis of Andre Gunder Frank, who argued for "a more 'humanocentric' perspective and understanding" of world economic history. "Latter-day historians," according to Frank, painted the universal picture that: "Europe" or "the West" was and is the "navel" (indeed also the heart and soul) of the rest of the world ... Modern history, both early and late, was made by Europeans ... who themselves "invented" history and then put it to good use. There is not even an inkling of suspicion that it may have been the other way around, that maybe it was the world that made Europe.2 Before the Portuguese began their first sea journey to discover the northwestern coast of Africa, the Chinese had already sent their "treasure ships" westward on their own astounding voyages. China was then under the rule of the Ming Dynasty. The Forbidden City was in the final years of construction (1402-1424), and eunuch Admiral Zheng He, also known as Cheng-Ho (1405-1433), from the Chinese mainland had reached the Arabian Peninsula and the coast of East Africa on his sixth voyage, sometime in 1421 or1422. By then, the Portuguese had only just discovered the Madeira Islands to the west of mainland Portugal and had not yet begun their own voyages to the coast of Africa. It is conceivable that the Chinese could have sailed around the southernmost cape of Africa and discovered Europe before the Portuguese rounded the Guinea Coast. The "discovery" of China by the Portuguese in the early fifteenth century could well have been inverted by the discovery of Europe by the Chinese a century before. But that was not to be. Zheng He's seventh and final voyage went only as far as Calicut. After Zheng He's death in 1435, his ships were burned and all of his records were destroyed by the Confucian bureaucrats who bitterly opposed the eunuchs in the Chinese Imperial Court that supported his voyages. Subsequent scholars have speculated that these expeditions established goodwill and peaceful diplomatic relations, as the Chinese had no real incentive to venture further west and no need for western goods or treasure. For the Europeans, on the other hand, emerging from the feudalism of the medieval period, there was 2 Frank, Andre Gunder, ReOrient, 2-3 16

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA financial and commercial necessity to discover a new trade route to the riches of the East. Under the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), China was the greatest nation on earth, wealthy, sophisticated, and commercially self-sustaining, with about a quarter of the world's population. In contrast, the Europeans were poverty stricken, and just emerging from the deadly Bubonic Plague, which lasted from the mid-14th century and spread over much of Europe, killing almost half of its population by the end of that century. The Hundred Years War (1337-1450) between England and France had a negative economic impact on both countries. Essentially, valued goods from the East, such as silk, spices, gems, and porcelain, which were bartered then paid for with gold and silver from the West, created an imbalance that was much accentuated by a devastated Europe. The city-states in Northern Italy, particularly Genoa, Florence and Venice, held the reigns of economic power in southern Europe from their ports along the shores of the Mediterranean in the Middle Ages.3 As Florence and Venice withdrew by stepping aside from "trade of capitalistic elements", and the Genoese were eventually "squeezed out" of their Central Asian route to China in the Black Sea and the Mediterranean resulting from the rise of power of the Ottoman Turks, the Genoese focused on the southern part of the Iberian Peninsula which it had essentially monopolized. Genoa's economic wealth and thus power depended on the "monopolistic control over a crucial link in the chain of commercial exchanges that connected Western Europe to India and China via the world of lslam."4 From this commercial link came the most valued trading commodity - spices: black pepper, then ginger, cinnamon, cloves, and others. It took the Portuguese over fifty years to sail along the coast of western Africa and eleven more years to first land in Calicut on the Malabar Coast of India. They had reached the nerve of the spice trade for which they were looking and were now on the threshold of two of the primary goals they had set out to achieve - control of the spice trade and the spread of Christianity. Having discovered the crossroads of trade of the main flow of spices between the East and the Arab world, the Portuguese now had to capture and secure this vital trade route, by force if necessary. After several years of bombardment and sea battles with the Samorin of Calicut who allied with the Gujaratis and were joined by a powerful Egyptian fleet, the Portuguese finally prevailed by completely smashing the Egyptian and Gujarati fleets, but were yet unable to capture Calicut. This victory gave the Portuguese complete control of the 3 Arrighi, Giovanni, The Long Twentieth Century, 116-121 4 Ibid., 41. 17

trade route from India to the Red Sea, thus achieving one of their major objectives. They now had to defend it by establishing a defensible settlement, and in fact colonize the territory as it was apparent that Portugal was too far away to provide sufficient manpower. Now they needed to capture a territory with a strategic location and a protected harbor. Goa, an important base on the Malabar Coast, was the obvious choice. The Portuguese captured Goa in 1510. With the nerve of the spice trade along the Malabar Coast now relocated to Goa and under Portuguese control, the final step was to capture Malacca and its narrow straits, through which the flow of spices had to pass. Landing on an island off Malacca in September 1509, the Portuguese noticed ships anchored off the shore that they had not seen before. They wondered if these could have been the same ships as those from reports previously gathered about the people of Cathay whom Marco Polo encountered over two centuries before. Could these have been the "Chins" whom they had heard of in their early voyages to the Malabar Coast? The Chinese had been there a century before, subsequent to the voyages of Admiral Zheng He. Malacca had developed into a center of international trade and was visited by merchants from various countries, including Chinese traders whose junks often visited the harbor. The first meetings of the Portuguese with the masters of the junks were cordial, but altercations with the king of Malacca left thirty-three of them imprisoned as the Portuguese squadron ultimately withdrew. In August 1511, Afonso de Albuquerque, the Second Portuguese Viceroy of India, demanded the release of the prisoners, but the king of Malacca refused. Without hesitation, Albuquerque stormed the city and after a raging battle the Portuguese seized this vital port. At this juncture Ruy de Brito Patalim, Captain of Malacca, decided to dispatch a junk to China. It was a junk that had come from Pegu, a new junk, the best they had seen in Malacca and orders were given that the ship should be well equipped and be properly armed. Sailing from Malacca in the company of five other junks, in May 1513, the vessel flew the Portuguese flag, and carried three Portuguese on board: Jorge Alvares, his son, and another Portuguese as scrivener. A stone padrao of the king of Portugal, to be erected at the first Chinese landfall, was also shipped on board the vessel.5 5 Braga, J. M., China Landfall, 1513, 23-24 18

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA PERS I A Hormw CHINA PACIFIC OCEAN INDIAN OC E AN ASIAN IMMIGRATION TO MACAU 1550-1700 Antonio M. Jorge da Silva Map of Asia 19

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THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 1 Portuguese Settlement of Macau Jorge Alvares landed at the anchorage of T'uen Men, on the China coast in the early summer of 1513. The Portuguese called this anchorage Tamtio 6 , and Macaense historian Jose Maria "Jack" Braga referred to the anchorage as "the island at T'un Men, the Tamtio of the Portuguese.'17 Braga suggested that "an island three leagues west of Nan'tou would be Lin-Tin lsland"8 in the mouth of the Pearl River, about sixty miles southeast of Guangzhou (city of Canton), and thirty miles northeast of the future Macau. At the very outset of the very first encounter between the Chinese and Portuguese on Chinese soil, the difference between the two peoples in physical appearance, mode of dress, and "body language" immediately perked up negative connotations on both sides, perhaps an animal instinct defensive in nature. Curiosity certainly aroused their mutual interests, but a defensive mechanism, even if momentary, alerted their senses. The narrow-faced, pinkish-white, or olive-skinned European strangers, oftentimes with light-colored wide eyes, large noses and hairy faces, were as striking as were the "distinctive features of straight black hair, dark eyes, flat faces, epicanthoid folds [almond eyes], and a minimum of facial and body hair" 9 of the Chinese. The curious Chinese set eyes on the strange bearded people whom they had never seen before, just as the westerners stood in awe at their first sight of the Chinese; but that initial reaction ultimately did nothing to alienate either group. Without permission to enter the Chinese mainland, Jorge Alvares' almost year-long stay at the anchorage must have given him many opportunities to converse, through interpreters, with the Chinese and other traders from Southeast Asia who also anchored there. He was able to ascertain that the Chinese he met were not hostile, and that they had much to offer. With keen interest he must have observed their 6 Boxer, C.R., Charles Ralph, Macau na Epoca da Restauraroo, 27, footnote 8. 7 Braga, J. M., China Landfall, 30. 8 Ibid., 73. 9 Mungello, D.E., The Great Encounter of China and the West, 33. 21

customs, tasted their food, and admired their porcelain and silk, which would be of great value in the West. He certainly experienced the hot and very humid summers and at least one typhoon (hurricane) - or "big wind" in Cantonese. In the spring of the following year, when the winds were favorable, Jorge Alvares returned to Malacca with the news of his success and aspirations. He saw the Chinese as a friendly and intelligent people - a people with whom the Portuguese could interact and do business. His report to Albuquerque and the Portuguese authorities must have generated much interest and anticipation of expanding trade beyond their initial expectations. His tales likely inspired and possibly contributed to the text of Suma Oriental which Tome Pires was writing. A year later in 1515, Jorge Alvares returned to Tamao in a chartered junk. Eager to establish trade with the Chinese, the Portuguese sent a small group under the leadership of Tome Pires in the ship of Fernao Peres de Andrade. Their ship anchored in Tuen Mun in 1517, and then proceeded to Guanzhou, where they were well received. Unexpectedly, Tome Pires and his entourage waited many months "with formalities connected to protocol of the Middle Kingdom" 10 before they were permitted to proceed to the Chinese capital. In the interim, his arrogant brother Simao de Andrade mounted a confrontation with the Chinese by sailing a squadron of ships up the Pearl River. Several incidents, including an attack on a Chinese official and an arrogant Portuguese captain trying to build a fort on Chinese soil, resulted in the Chinese order for all Portuguese ships to leave its shores. The ambassadorial mission sent by the Portuguese to promote trade, and led by Tome Pires, was ordered back to Guangzhou and imprisoned, where the members eventually died in the course of time. Undaunted, the Portuguese unofficially continued to pursue an illicit trade with the Chinese along the coast, reaching as far north as the mouth of the Yangzi (Yangtse) River. They established a small settlement with a scattering of thatched huts on an island off the Zhejiang (Chekiang) coast they called Liampo, which was to the east of Ningbo (Ningpo) on the mainland. According to Fernao Mendes Pinto's Peregrinm;ao, whose accounts some historians claim to be exaggerated, this settlement was destroyed by a Chinese 10 Braga, J. M., The Western Pioneers and their Discovery of Macao, 64. 22

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA armada of three hundred junks and eighty rowing vessels ... which in less than five hours [destroyed the settlement] with the death of twelve thousand Christians which included eight hundred Portuguese who were all burnt alive in thirty-five naus [Portuguese sailing ships] and forty-two junks ... and this happened in the year 154211 ••• and that within two years the Portuguese wanted to again establish their settlement in another port called Chincheo [near Amoy] in the same kingdom of China a hundred leagues below [south of] Liampo ... 12 Unable to sustain their trading missions along the northeastern coast, the Portuguese backtracked south to the coastal towns of Fukien and the islands off Guangdong Province which they had visited before. Unconcerned with the Confucian bias against traders, the Chinese merchant class, including most local officials along the southern coast, continued trading with the Portuguese. Being far from the Imperial Court they found little difficulty in permitting and even encouraging the illicit trade, as they enjoyed the perquisites and bribes, and so long as the duties were paid the local authorities closed their eyes to the operation. Chinese district annals show, for instance, that Fu-lan-ki [foreign devil] ships visited Macao in 1534 and 1535 and other occasions, to mention Macao alone. Closer study of the annals of the various coastal districts will probably reveal that in spite of the prohibitions against the Fu-lan-kis, the Chinese traders and the humbler mandarins, if not the higher-ranking officials as well, welcomed the trade which the Portuguese ships brought. We find, therefore, that after 1549 some sort of understanding seems to have been made with the Chinese officials whereby Portuguese ships visited Sheung Chu en To, popularly known as "St. John's Island" but also called Shanchuan, or Sanchuang, and Long-Pak-Kong, the "Lam-pac-kao" of the Portuguese.13 The considered understanding among the Portuguese and Chinese for trade between them soon led to the establishment of an annual display of Chinese products on the island. Historian Charles Boxer suggests that 11 Some historians claim it was 1544 and others 1548. 12 Pinto, Fernao Mendes, Peregrina~ao, 700. 13 Braga, Jose Maria, The Western Pioneers and Their Discovery of Macao, 80-81. 23

In or about the year 1550, the Portuguese reached a tacit understanding with the Chinese for an annual "fair", or exchange of goods in the island of St. John or Shang Chuan (Sanchuan) some fifty miles to the S.W. of Macao and where Francis Xavier died in 1552. This was, of course, no permanent settlement, and the Portuguese erected some matsheds [thatched straw houses] during the trading season from August to November, on the conclusion of which they were burned. For some unknown reason, the annual fair was transferred from Sanchuan to the more easterly island of Lampacao (Langpakao or a site near the modern Bullock Horn island) in 1554-5; ... 14 One of the reasons may have been that Lampacao was much closer (about half-way) to the mouth of the Pearl River and the city of Guangzhou where trade with the Chinese was centered. However, the nearby bay of A-Ma-0, with a protected natural harbor and closer to the mouth of the river, was used increasingly by the Portuguese, with some moving there as early as 1553 to 1555. Retaining the Chinese tribute to the Goddess of the Sea, A-Ma, the Portuguese named that tiny peninsula Macau. The northern part of the peninsula was called Wanghia (Mongha) and the southern part had a name with some sea flavor: Haojing. The sea, having been shallow, was rich with oysters (oyster is pronounced "hao'' in Chinese) ... In addition, two bays, on the northern and southern sides of the southern part of the peninsula, were round as mirrors ("jing" in Chinese). That was why the place was named "Haojing" (Oyster Mirror).15 14 Boxer, C.R. Fida/gos of the Far East, 3. 15 Fei, Chengkang, Macao 400 Years, 9. 24

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA IJha Verde A-Ma Temple t North Macau in 1557 Antonio M. Jorge da Silva 25

Before the Portuguese settled in Macau, the peninsula was sparsely populated with only a few farmers and migrant fishermen from nearby Fujian (Fukien) Province on the coast to the northeast. "On the rocky and lotus flower shaped peninsula, the inhabitants mainly earned their living by farming and fishing. With a shortage of arable land on the peninsula (only the area around Mongha had some), the people in Haojing and Mongha made their living mainly through fishing and picking up oysters." 16 In 1557, the Guangdong authorities permitted the Portuguese to permanently settle in Macau. The population quickly increased to approximately nine hundred within only eight years, and included "merchants, Malays of both sexes, Indians and black men, and Chinese in great numbers."17 Being skilled carpenters and shipbuilders, the Chinese migrants from Fujian soon proved useful to the Portuguese in repairing their ships, and later in the development and construction of the lorcha, a fast European-hulled boat with Chinese sails. The growing population soon attracted farmers to Heungshan just north of the Peninsula, as well as more fishermen to supply food to the Europeans and their compatriots. A special relationship formed between the Portuguese and Chinese merchants. On the other hand, the construction of large buildings unlike anything the Chinese had seen was quickly changing the local landscape. A sense of foreign occupation soon overtook the initial establishment of a simple trading settlement. The Chinese saw it necessary to define the boundaries of the territory and to control further expansion. Their opportunity came in 1573, following a robbery by African slaves from Macau. The Chinese constructed a barrier, with a gate at Heungshan, the narrowest point of the peninsula, defining their boundary. At first the gate opened only once a week, but not long after, it opened daily in the mornings and was closed at night.18 Thus began the control of goods passing in and out of Macau by land, the levying of dues and the eventual payment of ground rent to the Chinese. This did not mean that Imperial China had exercised their control over Macau. These payments were to the local authorities in Guangzhou (Canton), and to the mandarins, sometimes through the prefecture of Heungshan, who controlled the barrier gate. Before the sanctioned settlement in Macau, the Portuguese and the Chinese interacted through trade. Given that the Portuguese operated as brokers of an otherwise forbidden trade between China and Japan, it was essential that the two understood each other and worked together. Despite the superior attitude of the 16 Ibid., 13. 17 Silva, Beatriz Basta da, Cronologia da Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 1, 40-49. 18 Ibid., vol. 1, 50. 26

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Chinese toward the intruders, the merchants of both sides depended on each other to maintain and foster this lucrative arrangement. The Portuguese soon learned the art of negotiation and compromise, the necessity of "gifts," and the payment of tribute that often went along with almost every transaction. There was a growing mutual understanding not only in trade but of religious ideas between the Chinese and the Portuguese, and according to Mungello, an "underlying reciprocal flow of influence between China and the West"19, and a prime example of his argument on the "great encounter" between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. Strengthening their integral relationship was also an exchange of protection of the very trade they shared. Piracy along the mouth of the Pearl River and the Chinese coast was prevalent before the settlement of Macau by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. From Zhejiang (Chekiang) to Guangdong (Kwangtung), the Chinese coast was swarming with pirates. The Chinese sought the protection of Portuguese ships and the power of their guns in staving off pirate attacks and maintaining the security of their cargo. The Portuguese later relied on Chinese favor in retaining the monopoly of Chinese trade, as other Western powers tried to supplant them. Some historical accounts suggest that it was because the Portuguese successfully dislodged the pirates from the approach to Guangdong that they were granted Imperial sanction to settle in Macau in 1557.20 However, a more prudent account following the defeat of the pirates was put forward by Austin Coates, who stated that the Chinese accepted the situation as an expedient, at once practical and astute, setting barbarians at the very mouth of the great river to defend it .. . the Chinese conceded nothing of importance. In their view the peninsula was a fractional part of their country in which non-tribute-paying foreigners, on payment of normal taxes, were allowed to settle.21 The Chinese had indeed nothing to lose, as Macau was an inconsequential protruding spec on the pirate-infested entry to the Pearl River, almost entirely surrounded by water. China had everything to gain, as Portuguese guns could protect the entry to Guangzhou at no cost or risk to them. With it came at first some small income for the local merchants and officials, and a Portuguese base for the Japan Trade, which had 19 Mungello, D. E., The Great Encounter of China and the West, 12. 20 Montalto de Jesus, C. A., Historic Macau, 23. 21 Coates, Austin, A Macao Narrative, 23. 27

just begun. Permanent structures could now be built, and in 1586 official Portuguese recognition by decree changed the status and the title of this settlement from Povoa~ao do Nome de Deus do Porto de Amacao na China (Settlement of the Name of God of the Port of Amacao in China) to Cidade do Nome de Deus na China (City of the Name of God in China). Macau was also called Ou-Mun or Aomen (gate to the harbour or gate to Haojing-Ao, the harbor of the oyster mirror) by the local Chinese. 22 There were other theories as to how and why the Portuguese were allowed to settle, and to build permanent structures and churches in Macau. British historian Charles Boxer stated that initial attempts by the "unwanted barbarians from the Great Western Ocean" to establish themselves on the shores of South China coast failed. He wrote: But a precarious smuggling trade was connived at by the coastal officials of Kwangtung and Fukien provinces for their own profit. This eventually led to the Portuguese securing a footing at Macao (c.1557), which was reluctantly sanctioned by the Emperor of Peking when he belatedly discovered the existence of this settlement after some twenty years, owing to the constant friction prevailing between China and Japan at this period, and to the Ming Dynasty's prohibition of trade with the 'dwarf-robbers' of the island empire in either Chinese or Japanese shipping, the Portuguese of Macao were able to secure a more or less official of trade between the two countries.23 Portuguese historian Montalto de Jesus cited a different point of view, claiming that the notion that Macau was "ceded to the Portuguese unconditionally is attested by the fact that originally the colony paid no ground-rent and its government, in strict accordance with the laws of Portugal, was not in the least dependent upon, subordinated to, or intermixed with the laws of China or those of the mandarins."24 Chinese historian Fei Chengkang wrote that according to the records in books like Ming Shilu, Xizong Shilu (the Verified Records of the Ming, the Verified Records of the Emperor Xizong) Ming-Shi (The History of Ming), Aumen Jilue (The Brief Records of Macau), the Guangdong authorities allowed foreign merchant ships to sail and anchor at the Harbour of Haojing (Haojing being the name of Macau at the time) in 22 Fei, Chengkang, Macao 400 Years, 39. 23 Boxer, C. R., The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 63. 24 Montalto de Jesus, C. A., Historic Macao, 37. 28

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA 1535. Thereafter Haojing became a place for trade and foreign countries like Langbai (today's Vietnam) and others. The records also point out that the change was the result of a bribe given by foreigner merchants to a Chinese Zhihuishi (Battalion Commander) ... historical materials quoted below show that before 1554 Haojing was already open to the outside world. Therefore, unless we can find more accurate historical materials that supersede this record, we can deduce that around 1535 Haojing was open by Guangdong authorities as a harbor for foreign trade.25 Charles Boxer's and Fei Chengkang's accounts seem the most reasonable explanation of how Macau was first settled, but its once legal position as a Portuguese territory is also a topic of much discussion and disagreement among historians. The demarcation of Portuguese territory in Macau was evident soon after the beginning of the settlement. The Portuguese felt it necessary to defend the territory they were allowed to occupy. Along with the construction of houses and religious buildings, they set up defensive fortifications and thus defined the territory they occupied. However, they had to convince the Chinese that their fortifications were not a threat but served to guard against the marauding pirates and the tentative threat of foreign powers to occupy the peninsula, now that the Portuguese had opened the door to the western world. But in reality, a fortified demarcation of territory also suggested a desire to keep the Chinese out. Fortified batteries were at first located at strategic points along the peninsula, often in conjunction with a religious hermitage located on the high points of the peninsula. Such was the battery and later fort of Patane, which was adjacent to the Chapel of Santo Antonio and linked by a wall to the fort of Sao Paulo. This battery, probably the oldest fortification of Macau, was possibly modified to the status of a fort after the first decade of the 1600s, and before the Dutch attack of 1622. However, at the demand of the Chinese who saw the fort and that section of the wall as a threat and barrier, both were demolished in 1640. Immediately following the defeat and expulsion of the Dutch invaders, the governor of Macau, Dom Francisco de Mascarenhas, began the construction of the city wall. Again, the Chinese saw the finished wall as a definition of occupied territory by the Portuguese. This discord went on for over two hundred years after which, by the 1860s, the majority of the wall was either demolished or collapsed from disrepair. 25 Fei, Chengkang, Macao 400 Years, 16-17. 29

Macau was first a settlement, then a Portuguese colony in China. By definition a colony is a place where a group of people far from their home settle, and is governed under the political jurisdiction of the home country. The settlement of Macau was not a conquest of China, but a territory they were permitted to use as a permanent base for trade between the two countries. Whether there was an initial formal treaty signed is doubtful, but an agreement was certainly established. If this agreement was by Imperial Decree there would be no discussion, but an agreement by local authorities as discussed below brought into question their very authority to cement such a deal. Whether the agreement was in the form of bribes, or payments of ground rent, and more than likely due to the large profits that came through Macau, the Chinese allowed the Portuguese to remain, to govern under Portuguese law, and to construct permanent structures without intervention, military or otherwise. It may be viewed by some that the unopposed and uninterrupted occupancy of Chinese soil by a foreign power for over four centuries virtually ratifies the concession of that demarcated peninsula as permanent Portuguese territory. However, the Chinese claim to have never granted the Portuguese autonomous rule over Macau, other than being forced to sign the Treaty of Peking in 1862. The handover of the territory to China has effectively resolved that issue, but will future history books continue to discuss the subject? Without question, the Portuguese have now left the scene, and for the first time since its initial settlement, lowered and removed the Portuguese flag that once flew over the territory. But the question of its historical sovereignty will likely continue to be debated. Sovereignty aside, the Portuguese settlement of Macau remained a Portuguese-governed territory until its handover in December 1999. 30

1. Praia Grande Porto Exterior • - :.-: .... .; (our r":"°r) ·-ill . . . -~ ~\L . r Macau circa 1650 Photograph of model taken at the Macau Maritime Museum by Antonio M. Jorge da Silva, 1985 32

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 2 The Macau-Nagasaki Trade The discovery of Japan in 1542 is also a subject of contention among historians. Fernao Mendes Pinto, the author of A Peregrinm;fio, is said by some to be the first Portuguese to have landed in Japan. Others give credit to three Portuguese merchants who were caught in a typhoon and blown off course, and who eventually dashed on the island of Tanegashima, just south of Kagoshima and the large island of Kyushu in southern Japan. Historian Charles Boxer seems to agree with the latter, but calls them "three Portuguese deserters"26 instead of merchants who were washed ashore. Regardless of who arrived first, the discovery of Japan would soon bring the "gold" which inspired the commercial aspect of the Portuguese Voyages of Discovery. It would make possible an otherwise forbidden trade between Japan and China, and transport the teachings of the Christian Church far beyond the world Henry the Navigator ever imagined. The Portuguese soon learned that because of assaults by the Waka pirates, the Chinese were prohibited in 1371 by the Ming Hongwu Emperor (1368-1398) to trade with Japan, though smuggling existed between the two countries. Lifted by the Yongle Emperor (1402-1424), this decree was reenacted by the Jiajing Emperor (1521-1567) in 1550. From Chinese seafarers and merchants along the south China coast, the Portuguese learned that the Japanese were interested in importing Chinese silk. It was not long before they appeared on the shores of southern Japan to test this market. The insatiable Chinese desire for silver and the Japanese thirst for superior Chinese silk (though the Japanese produced their own), led to a booming trade with the Portuguese serving as brokers, which lasted for almost a hundred years. As Andre Gunther Frank put it, "money goes round the world and makes the world go round."27 And the Portuguese were fortuitously in the right place at the right time. 26 Boxer, C.R., Charles Ralph, Fida/gos in the Far East, 2. 27 Frank, Gunder, ReOrient, 41. 33

From Goa and Malacca, where the trade flowed east to west, the axis of the Portuguese treasure-trove now passed further east to Macau. Based near the source of the Chinese merchandise, the Portuguese had only to establish a way to select and contract for the goods. The Chinese, adamant in maintaining their policy to prevent foreigners from having a base at Guangzhou (Canton), solved the problem in 1550 by permitting bi-annual "Fairs" there. 28 Taking place in December-January and May-June, the Canton Fair was where orders for fine Chinese silk could be placed and contracts made, usually one year in advance. After each session, the Portuguese had to return to Macau. According to Boxer, generally speaking, at the winter fair, goods were received for export to India, Europe and the Philippines, and in the summer for Japan . . . . silk and silkpiece-goods always formed the most important part of the cargoes, other important items being gold, musk, porcelain, rouge and rhubarb ... Although the bulk of Chinese silks which passed through Macao apparently went to Japan, there was sufficient left over to supply India; and even a surplus for re-export to Europe (via Goa) and Spanish America (via Manila).29 Following in the footsteps of Goa, Malacca, and Macau, the Portuguese sought to settle and establish a base for trade in Japan and launch their mission for conversion of the Japanese. With some enthusiasm, the Japanese permitted the Portuguese to establish a base of exchange in Nagasaki, a fishing village located not far from where they first landed. With the Portuguese serving as intermediaries and using Macau as its entrep6t, a booming trade blossomed. Laden with silk, gold, unwrought brass, musk, China-wood, earthenware, and other commodities, 30 the carracks, galleons, and later galliots sailed from Macau through the Straits of Malacca, to Cochin and Goa on the western shores of the Malabar Coast of India. With the menacing pirates kept at bay, silk and silver flowed between Macau and Nagasaki. Both settlements grew expeditiously resulting from the large profits yielded from the China-Japan trade. With the laws of supply and demand met, eager clientele, trading bases established on both sides, and the means of transportation under their control, the Portuguese merchants now only had to deliver. 28 Silva, Beatriz Basta da, Crono/ogia da Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 1, 34. 29 Boxer, C.R., Charles Ralph, The Great Ship from Amacon, 5-6. 30 Ibid., 181-82. 34

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Conscious of their successful integration with the people of Goa, Malacca, and recently of Macau, the Portuguese now confidently settled and raised their families in Japan. Unlike their non-cognate relationship with the Chinese in Macau in the same period, miscegenation of the Portuguese and Japanese women over the years produced a small Lusa-Japanese community in Nagasaki. Some Portuguese married Japanese Christians, learned their customs, and settled there with their families. A new cradle from which Portuguese interracial progeny would extend was to root. The offspring of Portuguese-Japanese unions would soon join the descendants of lndo-Portuguese from Goa and Luso-Malaccans (but not Chinese at this time) families in Macau, as would more fidalgos arrive from the Portuguese continent. Not only were these new arrivals merchants, but in later years included those who saw opportunities to enrich themselves from substantial dowries by marrying Eurasian daughters of the rich merchants who had settled there. Along with the merchants came the Jesuits and other missionaries to spread Christianity, which soon began to take root in Japan. Their linguistic abilities and their influence forged by having contacts in high places were such that Nagasaki was put in the charge of the Jesuits in 1571. Through the intermediary of the Jesuits, the Portuguese traded with the rich merchant families, Japanese daimyos (feudal lords), and even the Shogun military dictators. This affluence gripped the new settlement, luring merchants, adventurers, priests, and settlers. Encouraged by Papal decrees and under the protection of the Portuguese Crown, zealous missionaries were at first respected and welcomed by the Japanese feudal lords and spread over the land. Initially the rights of trade with the Japanese were conferred annually by the King of Portugal, or the Viceroy of India in the name of the King, to fidalgos given the title of "Captain-major of the Japan Voyage." The captain-major had virtual command of all ships and Portuguese settlements between Malacca and Japan. "From the foundation of Macao down to 1623, except for a few brief and unimportant interludes, the Captain-major of the Japan voyage acted as interim Governor of Macao during his stay in port while awaiting the monsoon to begin his voyage."31 As trade intensified and more merchants arrived to settle and partake in this lucrative enterprise, a couple of generations, descendants of the first settlers, came of age to participate in one form or another. Being under almost complete control of a single person imposed upon them and being also one who had the most to gain, engendered much dissatisfaction among the Macau merchants. Shipping foreign goods to Europe, 31 Ibid., 9. 35

dealing with the Chinese over domestic problems, and facing the threat at sea from foreigners competing for trade added to the complexity of the situation. It was arguably more than one person could handle given the rapid growth of the Japan Trade, but in reality, it was the greed of the merchants which was hindered by the power of the Captain-major that was the issue. More and more, the resident merchants of Macau appealed for self-representation and governance in local affairs and the city's economy. In 1583, the Viceroy of India sanctioned the establishment of a senate elected triennially by the citizens of Macau consisting of two judges, three aldermen, and a procurator, with the presidency rotating alternately among the aldermen. Appeals to decisions by the judges in summary cases were brought to the Ouvidor (a Crown-appointed judge, a chief-justice, from Portugal) "or the supreme court of Goa presided by the Viceroy, whose decision was invariably final."32 Only citizens born in Macau, or otherwise married and settled in Macau, were eligible to vote. Historian Anders Ljungstedt elaborates on this arrangement by saying that every free subject of the Crown of Portugal, born at Macao, possessing the necessary legal qualifications has a right to vote at the election of members of the municipal government; a privilege, which free men from other parts of the dominions of Portugal, unless disqualified by the laws, can obtain by marrying and settling in Macau. The aldermen preside and manage the various concerns, properly municipal, according to existing orders and regulations; the judges fulfill the commands of the Senate. Provided they do not militate against established rules and laws; they also decide upon certain civil and criminal cases, but from their decision an appeal lies open, either to the audience of the Chief Justice of Macao [Ouvidor] or to the supreme tribunal at Goa ... 33 Given the power to govern the economy of Macau, the aldermen, still feeling restricted and supervised, often quarreled with the Captain-major. They eventually petitioned the Crown to appoint a governor instead to control only the military, leaving the Senate to govern without interference. In 1623, the crown relegated the Captain-major's jurisdiction onshore, appointing a governor in his stead. The Captain-major was now left with jurisdiction on his ships "and the authority of the Captain-major was thenceforth confined to his ships and to controlling the Portuguese trading 32 Montalto de Jesus, C. A., Historic Macao, 45-46. 33 Ljungstedt, Anders, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China, 37-38. 36

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA community at Nagasaki."34 The Senate often took advantage of their elected status, which inevitably benefited the wealthy and influential, and was responsible for divisive schemes. Acceding to self-serving maneuvers of the Macau merchants of which they were undoubtedly a part, the Senators encouraged relentless borrowing from the Japanese, incurring debts they could not repay. Transient merchants from Macau lived in grand style when staying in Nagasaki. Upon returning to Macau, they lavished jewels on themselves and their families. Their grandiose lifestyle only made them want more, and to achieve this desire they borrowed freely on respondencia, a loan with a premium, a "sea-risk" granted to citizens of good credit record and security. This allowed more citizens to join the frenzy, gambling on the lucrative returns of the annual shipment to Nagasaki in hopes of a great profit, which would not only repay the loan but enrich their coffers. The emerging multiracial community of Macau enjoyed the prosperity brought by the ships on their return voyages from Nagasaki. Along with the prosperity and enthusiasm of the merchants, both local and new arrivals, as well as sailors, slaves of various races, and priests, who all resided in this tiny peninsula, there was the uneasy situation created by the Chinese control over the alimentary provisions required for their survival. However, this newly found prosperity spanned both sides of the barrier gate. Affluence took a grip on this Portuguese settlement, but as can be expected, Macau was at the same time gaining a reputation of unruliness. Wealthy merchants were often guarded by their resident armed Japanese retainers to ward off criminals, or to protect them in situations of discord among the traders. Feared by all, a viceregal decree from Goa in 1597 forbade "any Japanese of any quality or condition whatsoever . . . from wearing any sword, large or small."35 In the eyes of the Macau settlers, Japanese men had the reputation of severity and fearlessness, while the women in their kimonos appeared gentle and kind by nature. Their offspring, now a part of the Macau people, melded without prejudicial character association into the generic multiracial community. The sense of pride and honor characteristic of most Japanese added to the disposition of the patient Inda-Malayan descendants of the Portuguese already there. The union of the Crowns of Spain and Portugal under Spain's Philip II in 1581 brought their Dutch enemy, who already had their eyes on the Japan Trade, into the picture. The Portuguese, whose king, Phillip I, was at the time also King Philip II of Spain, were 34 Boxer, C.R., The Great Ship from Amacon, 11. 35 Ibid., 60. 37

drawn into the war between Holland and Spain. The Dutch first arrived at Hirado in 1609, six years after their initial blockade of Goa. In 1613, the English "founded a trading post" at Hirado, but they "were not destined to prove very dangerous to the Portuguese, but they intrigued against them in Court ... foster[ing] Japanese fears of subversive activities of the Roman Catholic missionaries." 36 The English and the Dutch, actively pursuing intervention in the Portuguese monopoly, found themselves entering into an unintended partnership following the Treaty of Defence signed in 1619 to syncretize cooperation between the English and Dutch East India companies. "Not even Japanese neutrality was to be respected, despite the Shoganate's protection of foreign shipping in Japanese territorial waters."37 The Dutch arrival at Hirado, followed by the Tokugawa Ieyasu's encouragement to the Spaniards from Manila a couple of months later for the development of trade between Manila and Nagasaki, caused much concern for the Macau merchants and their senate, as that would cut into their trade with the Japanese. This re-export of silk sent to Manila by the Chinese, and bypassing Macau, caused much concern to the Portuguese. According to Boxer, Fujianese ports sent Chinese junks to Manila trading silk for ... silver pesos and rials-of-eight from Mexico and Peru. Within two years of the Spanish conquest, Manila had become what it remained for the next two centuries, commercially little more than a way-station where silk was exchanged for silver between China and Mexico. Manila's trade with Japan, on the other hand, did not last long and was never very important.38 The fear of competition from Manila was surpassed by the encouragement by the Tokugawa for Japanese " red-seal ships" to trade in Southeast Asia, in particular in lndo-China. Their return with Chinese and Indochinese silk further cut into the profits of Macau. What the citizens did not fully comprehend was that the real threat was coming from the Japanese feudal and warlords, who feared Japan itself was being undermined by the missionaries and their ever-growing converts. The very existence of Macau depended on the Japan Trade. They feared competition and anything that they perceived might jeopardize or diminish their profits. However, being fervent Catholics, they did not see religion as a threat, nor did they see the priests they 36 Ibid., 82. 37 Ibid., 98. 38 Ibid., 3. 38

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA confessed to as instruments of treachery and subversion; the salvation of heathen souls by the missionaries was, after all, sanctioned by God through the decrees of the Pope. Macau itself was quickly becoming the center of the Faith in Southeast Asia, where the priests were instructed in the language and customs of the countries prior to departure on their missions. Religious evangelism eroded their credence in Japan, while their Dutch adversaries remained a constant menace to their shipping between Macau and Nagasaki. The English assisted in blockades and showed their presence, but it was the Dutch who damaged the Portuguese in the Japan Trade. In the end, it was the Portuguese themselves who, unable to pay their debts, soured the trade activity. Perhaps this did not directly lead to their eventual expulsion, but it certainly added to the mistrust of the Portuguese, which was already in jeopardy for the missionaries they continuously and even subversively brought to Japan. Their success in converting the Japanese, even those in high places, eventually caused great concern to the ruling daimyo and shoguns to come. The fear of the spread of this foreign faith led to anti-Christian sentiments in 1563, and to the persecution of the Christians and expulsion of the Jesuits by Toyotomi Hideyoshi in 1587. However, the majority of the priests escaped and went into hiding. In 1614, the expulsion order for all missionaries to leave was re-enacted, though again a fair number went into hiding. The religious fervor of the Portuguese more than anything else was their undoing. "The crusading tradition of the Portuguese and the uncompromising orthodoxy and vigour of their missionaries severely hampered their commercial and diplomatic endeavours .... " 39 By 1596, the Portuguese-Japan trade saw a steep decline. Though the English and the Dutch were ultimately unsuccessful in the blockade of Portuguese ships between Macau and Nagasaki, they harassed them continuously, forcing the Portuguese to abandon the use of a single "great treaty ship" (nau do trato), also known as the "black ship" (kurofune), annually to the use of several smaller and faster galliots to deliver their cargo. However, it was in shipping between Macau and Malacca that the Dutch proved most effective. Their attempt at taking Macau in 1622 failed disastrously and was defeated by a local militia and a handful of black slaves, but they continued to threaten Portuguese ships from the seas of Japan to the shores of Goa. They once again blockaded Goa in 1539, and finally captured Malacca in 1641. The Luso-Malay community became isolated, severing further influx of Malay women and children to Macau. The importance of Malay 39 Parry, John H., The Age of Reconnaissance, 244. 39

words used in their Kristang patois, and the Malay influence on their cuisine, languished as the years passed. The fortunes of the Portuguese and the Macau merchants were about to change with the decree from Tokugawa Ieyasu in 1614, banishing all foreign and Japanese missionaries from Japan. This decree was much stronger and longer-ranged than the expulsion edict of the Jesuits by Toyotomi Hideoshi in 1587, during which most simply went into hiding until the situation evaporated the following year. This time the mistrust of the missionaries, and their tendency to be continually smuggled into Nagasaki from Portuguese ships, cast a dark shadow on the more than half century of trade relations between the two countries. The Bonzes (Buddhist priests) had early maintained that the Jesuits were merely agents of Portuguese imperialism and were preparing the ground for the arrival of soldiers in an armada from Goa . . . . it was widely believed that the Japanese Christian converts were more obedient to their European spiritual fathers than to their own feudal superiors, which it followed that Christianity was a dangerously subversive religion . . . . the propagation of Christianity could no longer be tolerated in Japan. 40 Directed at the missionaries, it was made very clear that the Portuguese merchants from Macau were still welcome so long as it was for purposes of trade alone. Some of the missionaries again went into hiding, but others had no option but to leave. Anti-Christian persecution in Nagasaki did not deter the return of some missionaries, smuggled in and disguised as merchants. The changing circumstances, and the constant threat of attack by the Dutch on vessels coming and going, also did not slow the urge of the profit-seeking Macau merchants. The Treaty of Defence between the English and the Dutch added to the chagrin of the Portuguese, though English ships did little to prevent the Portuguese galliots sailing between Macau and Nagasaki. They were nevertheless another force to contend with in the waters between Japan and Malacca. The Anglo-Dutch "Fleet of Defence" was more effective in circumventing Macau-Malacca shipping, almost cutting off that route completely, but even then this alliance finally ended in 1623. 40 Boxer, C.R., The Great Ship from Amacon, 83-84. 40

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA The tolerance of the menacing foreigners by the Japanese shogunate was coming to another threshold. The expulsion of the Jesuits and anti-Christian persecution now led to the expulsion of residing Portuguese traders who were uprooted from their homes by an Imperial edict in 1623, forbidding them from remaining in Nagasaki after the trading season. They were permitted to take their sons but were forced to leave their wives and daughters behind. "Portuguese traders visiting Nagasaki in future could no longer lodge with local Christians during their stay in that port, but would have to stay with non-Christian Japanese." 41 Two years later all Spaniards were expelled; and the year after, "a number of Japanese Christians and half-castes" of Portuguese descent (this time including women, it would seem), were banished in 1626. 42 Expulsion came again ten years later when "some 287 men, women and children, who were relatives or dependents of Portuguese formerly domiciled in the port" were exiled to Macau. "Pathetic scenes were witnessed at their embarkation, reminiscent of those enacted in 1623-24, when their Portuguese fathers, husbands and brothers had been banished."43 They joined the population of Macau, which in 1635 was estimated at "approximately 7,000 inhabitants, including 850 Portuguese, 5,100 slaves (the majority being Kaffirs) and 300 Indian and Malay sailors and pilots."44 Assuming these figures are correct, the new arrivals amounted to a fairly large percentage of the Portuguese, including their wives and descendant population. The situation in Japan deteriorated further for the Portuguese in 1628. Dutch blockades and their sinking of a red-sail Japanese junk, killing and imprisoning its crew and sending them to Manila, only made matters worse. The infuriated Bakufu placed an embargo on their ships at Nagasaki, which was only raised a year later, though one of their galliots was forbidden to leave as "surety for the debts which the Macao merchants had incurred."45 More ships were detained the following year. In 1632 the Japanese issued an ultimatum to the insolvent Portuguese merchants. The Captain-major and the Senate, after much deliberation, decided that "all those who owed outstanding debts on respondencia" should be sent to Nagasaki to pay their debts or negotiate an extension. The merchants were able to extend their credit, some promising to pay the following year. But unable to pay even then, the Japanese creditors finally demanded that all outstanding debts be paid. 4 1 Ibid., 109. 42 Ibid., 113. 43 Ibid., 148. 44 Lessa, Almerindo, A Hist6ria e os Homens do Primeira Republica Democr6tica do Oriente, 154. 45 Boxer, C. A., The Great Ship from Amacon, 122. 41

Despite their chronic indebtedness which might have been expected (as the Dutch stated) to ruin their credit. The most likely explanation would seem to be that in 1633 the Bakufu issued a proclamation that no more money was to be lent to the Portuguese on respondencia and that all existing debts were to be cancelled. This would account for the prosperity of the Macao trade despite the financial crash of the Macao debtors in Nagasaki that year.46 This was a great relief to the Portuguese, but the debt issue did not go away. They had overextended themselves and there was no turning back. The missionaries, and their zeal for the Christianization of Japan, ultimately only made matters worse. The menacing threat of the Dutch at sea from Japan to Malacca, and their intervention on land, hastened the downfall of the lucrative Japan Trade which lasted until 1639 when "the Bakufu [Curtain-government of the military dictatorship of the Tokugawa] finally took the logical step to which their increasingly isolationist policy had been tending. They decided to end the Macao trade by prohibiting the Portuguese from all further intercourse with Japan."47 The following year, a special group of ambassadors was sent by the Macau Senate in a final attempt to revive trade relations with the Japanese. Of the seventy-four Portuguese who went on that mission, all but thirteen were summarily executed, while the others were sent back to Macau with the warning never to return.48 The lucrative Macau-Nagasaki trade was over, its luster gone, but the Portuguese did manage to establish their foothold on Chinese soil and add another dimension to the makeup of the Macaense people. However, Macau under Portuguese rule was never again to see the prosperity and vitality it experienced during the years of the Japan Trade. The tenacity of the people, and their ability to compromise and negotiate with the Chinese, enabled them to maintain a credible foothold on the gateway of trade with China for centuries to come. Japanese wives and children expelled along with the priests and the merchants melded into the Macaense populace in Macau. Nearly a third of its population, these new arrivals from Nagasaki substantially influenced the racial mix of the residents of that city. These families added to the early ancestral mix of Macaenses bringing with them their customs and kimonos, which the ladies of Macau embraced as their attire 46 Ibid., 132. 47 Ibid., 158. 48 Ljungstedt, Anders, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China, 165. 42

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA at home. Japanese Christian men were the artisans who carved the magnificent fa<;ade of St. Paul's church, which still stands today. Portuguese words were added to the Japanese vocabulary: tempura (from Portuguese temperar, meaning "to season" or from quattuor tempora49), miso kristang (Christian soup), karameru (caramelo in Portuguese), and various kinds of bread using an adaptation of the Portuguese pao, pronounced in Japanese as pan, are some of the foods associated with Portuguese influence on Japanese cuisine. Other Portuguese words also became part of Japanese vocabulary - aurokuru (a/cool meaning alcohol), bidoro (vidro meaning glass), botan (butao meaning button), kappa (capa de chuva meaning raincoat), and shabon (sabao meaning soap) are but a few examples. The addition of Japanese women and their children to the population of Macau may have given the impression to some that the early matrilineal ancestors of the Macaense included Chinese. This is perhaps due to Japanese physical features, some of which resemble those of the Chinese. However, up to this point miscegenation with the local Chinese was not a factor; but Chinese were soon to become the major Asian ingredient in their gene pool. The intricacies of the racial origins of the Macaense people may well have influenced how historians viewed them, and still continue to confuse the sequence of their ancestral makeup. 49 Quattuor tempora from Latin meaning "four times" being holy days four times a year when Catholics fast and do not eat meat and usually substituting with fish and vegetables, a practice introduced by Jesuits missionaries to Japanese converts. 43

44

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 3 Macaenses, the Portuguese in China Almost a hundred years after the Portuguese set out on their voyages of discovery to find the route of the spice trade, they took control of that trade with the capture of Malacca in 1511. Two years before its capture the Portuguese noticed ships anchored in the bay of Malacca they had not seen before. Their curiosity about the origins of these vessels led to the first landing of a European ship on Chinese soil, thus initiating the history of the Portuguese in China. Not seeking to capture and conquer, the Portuguese came in peace looking only to trade. Their initial attempts were frustrated by suspicion and wariness on behalf of the Chinese, eventually leading to gradual and incremental bases of operation, and finally the sanctioned Portuguese settlement in the tiny peninsula of Macau in the mouth of the Pearl River of the southern Chinese coast. This settlement was the base of Portuguese trade with the Chinese for centuries to come and the progenitor of their descendants, Macaensess - the people of Macau, Hong Kong and the Treaty Ports are the Portuguese in China. Macaenses are a people of Lusa-Asian origin. They are the descendants of Portuguese fathers and Asian mothers who emigrated to Macau in the middle of the sixteenth century, and a century later by their intermarriage with the local Chinese. By the time the Portuguese settled in Macau in 1557, they had been in Goa for over 40 years, and on the coast of Africa for some 50 years before that. They cohabited with the natives of the lands their predecessors occupied, and at least a couple of generations subsequently grew up to sail to lands the Portuguese had discovered and in which they had settled. Most of the Portuguese males who went to Goa were in the service of the Crown; a few went as missionaries. Those who married after arrival in India were usually permitted to leave the service and settle as traders and citizens. They were termed casados, or married men, while the others were classified as so/dados, or soldiers who remained in the service of the King until they either married or died.50 The casados married local women from the overseas territories in which they settled, so Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 296. 45

or later married local Chinese women, and engendered the Macaense people. They were the mainstay of the Portuguese in China, and not those who trickled in from the home country in the centuries the Portuguese occupied Macau. Those first settlers in Macau, casados, brought with them their African, Indian and Malay women and children. Japanese women brought to Macau as concubines, as well as the wives and children of the Portuguese traders expelled from Japan in the first half of the seventeenth century, added to the racial mix, as eventually did the Chinese. Charles Ralph Boxer, one of the greatest authorities on the Portuguese in Asia, wrote that It is probable that the small stature of the Macaonese may be attributed in some measure to this mixture of Japanese blood. The early settlers did not mix with the local Chinese population, and the majority of women with whom they lived were Japanese or Malays. The Spanish Franciscan Fray Augustin de Tordesillas in 1579, and the later Italian Jesuit Alessandro Valignani some twenty years later, both comment on the fact that the Portuguese and Eurasians at Macao did not mix socially with their Chinese neighbors of Heungshan, nor did the two races have any form of contact other than the purely commercial. The admixture of Chinese blood which the Macaonese inherited in the course of centuries came from the cohabitation of masters with their muitsai and was for many years less noticeable than the strain derived from other Asiatic races and African negresses. 51 Religion played a big part in the absence of intermarriage between the Portuguese settlers of Macau and the Chinese. The Portuguese men who settled in Macau married Asian women - provided they were Christian. Catholics could only marry those baptized into the Catholic faith and it took some time in the early years of the settlement for the conversion of the Chinese to Catholicism. Due to the initial resistance of the Chinese to embrace Christianity, many of the wives of the Portuguese in the early days came from Malacca and Japan. Due to the vast distance between Portugal and Asia, few Portuguese women could survive the journey, and in the 17th century there were none in Macau. Macau was then a multicultural city with several generations born from women that were not from Portugal, or any part of Europe. Few women born in Portugal went to 51 Boxer, Charles Ralph, Fida/gos in the Far East, 231. 46

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Portugal's newly discovered Estado da India, or India Portuguesa though all regions between the southern tip of Africa and Japan, including China and Timor, were then known. "Very few women emigrated from Portugal to Asia, and an outward lndiaman which carried 800 or more men would have only some ten or fifteen women on board, and often none at all. Once they [Portuguese ships] had reached Asia, many of the Portuguese men cohabited with slave-girls in droves ... " 52 During the sixteenth century only a handful of orphan girls from the larger Portuguese cities were sent out annually, at the expense of the Crown, to the newly discovered coastal parts of the world. Of these women, perhaps only one or two reached Macau; most arrived at Goa. Peter Mundy, writing about Macau, reported that in 1636 there was only one white woman in Macau.53 There being from none to very few white women in Macau in the first century of its settlement meant that those born of Portuguese fathers were Lusa-Asians. They were the foundation of the Macaense families who intermarried among themselves. By the end of the following century, European-born women and local Chinese entered into the gene pool, but that is not to say that the Malays who interbred with the Portuguese before they settled in Macau did not have any Chinese blood. When one writes or talks about the Macau Portuguese, one is really referring to three groups of people: the early pioneers who first settled in Macau, their descendants who lived there for centuries, and those who went there from the homeland to govern and administrate both the settlement and its ecclesia. That is to say, other than merchants, many priests, government officials, and military personnel traveled to Macau from Portugal over the centuries. Most were transient, returning to the homeland after their tenure. However, a few, remained in Macau and married into the community. Apart from the European-born Portuguese who governed the colony there was a social hierarchy among the locals where the elite nominally controlled the senate and moved in their own circles. Elected members among them dealt directly with the governor and the officials from Portugal or those sent by the Viceroy at Goa, though on the surface it may have seemed otherwise. Often it was they who negotiated with the Chinese on their own and on the government's behalf. Historically the "golden years" of Macau undoubtedly coincided with the so-called Japan Trade that ended in 1639-40. Following the severance of Portuguese brokerage of the Japan Trade and the capture of Malacca by the Dutch the following year, life 52 Boxer, Charles Ralph, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 53. 53 Boxer, Charles Ralph, Seventeenth Century Macau, 55. 47

for the Portuguese merchants and their Macaense descendants, which began with much hope and promise, began its decline. Yet the Portuguese held on to their base of trade and control of trade with China. First the Dutch, then the English, kept the Macau government on alert trying over and over again to sequester and control the base of trade with China. Finally, in 1699 the English managed to successfully circumvent the Portuguese, thus creating a new dimension of Sino-European trade. However, up to the end of the nineteenth century, Macau's citizens clung to their wits for survival. Their desperation is evident from the words of the Macau senators who met on January 14, 1732 to debate their finances: The city sees itself in much decline from a few years before that today finds itself drained, not only of its capital, but owing money in interest; adding that several mishaps had given opportunity for the mandarins to extort money from us. The commerce from Asian ports is declining from year to year. All this was due to the severance of trade with Japan; it improved with the trade with Timar, but this is now in great decline . . . . the trade from Batavia passed to the hands of the Chinese, that of Manila goes directly to Canton in Spanish boats without touching Macau; that of Goa is insufficient for ordinary expenses and much less to cover the unforeseen; leaving Brazil which is the only sphere that can presently be expected [to provide] for the improvement of this city. 54 The citizens of Macau continued their normal everyday lives as best they could. Living in the sort of socially tiered society to which they were by then accustomed, their descendants accepted the status quo. The Chinese were now entering into their gene pool, and introducing their customs, cuisine and words to their spoken patua. The absence of any reference to Chinese familial relationship with the Portuguese residents of Macau in the 1720 table by Almerindo Lessa55 supports the conclusion that there was little intermarriage between them and the local Portuguese before the early eighteenth century. Relative distribution of Macau residents in 1720 Priests and members of the cathedral chapter Students Portuguese and their children born in Macau Local-born Portuguese of Macau and other parts, 54 Teixeira, Fr. Manuel, Macau no Secu/o XVIII, 324. 34 34 274 55 Lessa, Almerindo, A Hist6ria e os Homens da Primeira Republica Democratica do Oriente, 152-56. 48

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA married men or soldiers of that city White women married to Portuguese as well as those local born, married to locals and some Portuguese White young girls, daughters of Portuguese as well as of local born Widows who are white as well as local born, unpledged women Chinese slaves, those of Timar and other nations Captive slaves of various nations Children of either sex, daughters, and grand-daughters of the Portuguese Minor children of either sex of the local born Total ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA 842 504 226 306 1,178 864 99 232 4,836 The table also shows "the Portuguese and their children born in Macau" listed separately from the "local-born Portuguese of Macau and other parts." By the 1700s, there were some, though not many, European-born women in Macau. In books written by Portuguese historians, it is evident that a distinction was made between Portuguese from the continent reinois56 of European ancestry, and the local born of mixed ancestry outside of Europe. At this point, it is important to note that there is a reduction in similarity of one's DNA to that of one's ancestor by a factor of about 2-fold every generation. In other words, the similarity of one's DNA is reduced by 50% as each generation goes back in time. Therefore, the relative DNA to one's grandparent, two generations before, is only 25%; and by the time one goes back 6 generations the percentage drops to less than 1%. Another way of looking at this is suggested in a study conducted by Graham Coop and Peter Ralph "using a Population Reference Data Sample which provides whole genome sequencing data on 2,257 people living in more than 40 European populations." Ralph and Coop identified 1.9 million shared segments of DNA that were millions of base pairs long, proving their owners were related. They were then 56 Reinois: those born in the Kingdom of Portugal. 49

able to estimate how long ago their common ancestor lived from the length of the segment. The length of a shared DNA sequence shows how closely, or distantly two people are related. Thus, DNA sequences shared with parents are longest, those shared with grandparents are half as long and those shared with great-grandparents half as long again and so on. So the longer ago an ancestor is, the shorter the chunk is likely to be.57 The percentage of any one of the early ancestors of the Macaense would then be negligible and insignificant to their descendants born in the twentieth century, except that the constant intermarriage within the community just mixed and mixed their genes until another predominant racial gene entered the equation. This is precisely what did happen as more Europeans and later Chinese entered into the gene pool. As the genes of the early settlers and their Indian, Malay, and Japanese women recede as generations go by, so the DNA genes from recent miscegenation and intermarriages within the community increase. Without the European patrilineal constant throughout the generations, the Macaense would not have the visible, and in many cases prominent, European features passed down through many generations and evident in many people through the twentieth century. The Euro-Portuguese male figure was always present in the settlement of Macau. The majority of womenfolk in those early years, as discussed earlier, were of African, Indian, Malay, Japanese, and other Asian origin, either already cohabiting with or married to the men in accordance with Christian rites. Malay (Malaccan) women and their offspring were dominant among the mixed Portuguese community in the mid-seventeenth and eighteenth century. Philologist Graciete Nogueira Batalha defends this belief by asking pointed questions, such as: "Why should we find almost twice as many Malay words in creole [patu6 also called macaista by Graciete Batalha and later, maquista by Miguel Senna Fernandes and Alan Baxter 58 ] texts of the last century?" And "Why did the women of Macao dress mostly in the Malay fashion, with sara9as of sarom linen and bajus59 [Portuguese Casaquinho, blusa; meaning jacket, coat outer garment] - Malay words ... " And finally: "Why do the children of Macao of the less recent generations present physical characteristics more similar to Malay 57 Bell, Susan, We are Family, USC Dornsife, College of Letters, Arts and Sciences, August 7, 2013. 58 Patua also called macafsta by Graciete Batalha and maquista by Miguel Senna Fernandes and Alan Baxter. Batalha, G/ossario do Dia/ecto Macaense, 209; Senna Fernandes, Miguel, and Alan Baxter, Maquista Chapado, 107. 59 Port. Casaquinho, blusa; or: jacket, coat outer garment. so

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA than Chinese?" 60 It was simply because the early settlers, as mentioned earlier, brought with them their wives and children from Goa, Malacca and Japan. Though there were children born of Chinese muitsais and a few other situations, this was only the beginning of their miscegenation with the Portuguese. It was primarily the mothers of preceding Euro-Asiatic unions who nurtured the children of the Portuguese and their descendants. There were more Malay women and their offspring in Macau then, particularly after the capture of Malacca by the Dutch in 1641, when many flocked to Macau. But it should not be surprising that the Macaense adapted easily to coexistence with other races, as they too were a product of different cultures. The children grew up with the influence of their customs, cuisine, and, in the case of the women, their dress. Macau Women in Saracha Travels of Peter Mundy 1637 60 Teixeira, Fr. Manuel, Review of Culture, 158-59, quot ing Graciete Batalha's Lingua de Macau, 28. 51

Dress of Continental Portuguese and Macau-born woman Ou-Mun Kai Leak, 1751 Women dressed in the D6 - circa 1895 Fernando de Menezes Ribeiro collection 52

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA The Travels of Peter Mundy with his Macau Journal written during Mundy's short stay in Macau in 1637 describes in some detail the Goan/Malay custom of covering their heads when in public and changing into Japanese kimonos when inside their houses.61 The head-covering garment was known initially as sarm;a when it was of several colors. "The saracha was later substituted by a wide black cape, the do, which would be the principal accessory of the more privileged women, whereas the average continued to use a saracha."62 On their feet they wore slippers. The baju was a type of loose jacket made of very fine white cloth of short sleeves without collar, worn at home for comfort, as not all wore kimonos. Sarac;as and bajus were worn by "Macau women of the inferior class" until the mid-1800s. 63 The richness of dress and jewels adorned by the wealthy, and their opulent way of life in those days, are also described.64 The Chinese publication of 1751, Ou-Mun Kei Leok, detailed the way the fan-quai (foreign devil) men dressed in the mid-1700s65, saying that they wore three-pointed black felt hats decorated with gold plaques in the form of entwined flowers. The upper vestments were to the waist and pants to the knees. Jackets were fastened with gold or silver buttons to the height of the chest. Shirts were of white cotton, their sleeves down to the wrist and folded in the form of lotus blossoms, with their pants and stockings of striped woven fabric tightly fastened at the knees. They fastened their shoes of black leather with silver or gold buckled clasps. On their belts, they carried a sword, and the men of the upper class held in their hands a small cane or a strip of leather in the form of a small whip. This possibly also applied to those from privileged Macaense families but not the average local born. The last quatrain of a popular folk song in patua (probably written in the mid-eighteenth century or just after) printed in Leopoldo Danilo Barreiros' unpublished manuscript Dialecto de Macau of 1943, implies that the European-born Portuguese military men and members of the upper class carried the sword and cane. Dom, dom, dom, dam, dom. 66 [probably sound of walking or walking-cane striking the ground] Sinh6 Capitifo Mister Captain 61 Boxer, C. A., Fida/gos in the Far East, 128. 62 Batalha, Graciete, G/ossario do Dia/ecto Macaense, 265-66. 63 Pereira, J. F. Marques, Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo, vols 1-11, 63. 64 Boxer, C. A., Fida/gos in the Far East, 123-30. 65 Teixeira, Fr. Manuel, Macau no Secu/o XVIII, 454-57. 66 Barreiros, Leopoldo Danilo, Dialecto Portugues de Macau, 509. 53

Espada na cinta Sword in belt Rota na moo. Cane in hand. Their eating habits also tended to a preference for the sweet, using a lot of sugar, and the spicy hot, typical of Inda-Malay cuisine. In the average household, meals were announced by the sounding of a bell. Served by their "black slaves", they always began with roasts, using a silver fork in their left hand while their right, "extended below a pillow, was not used."67 Blended dishes were eaten using the fingers of their left hand and a cloth to wipe their hands after. They drank wine from tall glasses and some smoked a thin form of cigarette. They are said to have eaten meat five days of the week, and only seafood and vegetables on Fridays and Saturdays, days of abstinence before Sunday church services. The wealthy were transported in palanquins carried on the shoulders of four slaves, with one on either side holding parasols over the passenger. The women were very well dressed and some in the European style, wearing a skirt and cloak. Their appearance was one of arrogant superiority. In Macau no Seculo XVIII (Macau in the eighteenth century), Fr. Teixeira criticized their aloof demeanor, saying: "They are lazy because other than having children they do nothing else."68 Following the path of the voyages of discovery, they spoke a pidgin derived from archaic Portuguese and words from the countries in which she traded and of the peoples involved in trade, which was essential for basic communication. Words were borrowed from Sanskrit, Arabic, Persian, Tamil, Hindustani, Malay, Japanese, and several other languages. The lingua franca brought along by the slaves, concubines, and wives of the Portuguese traders, mariners, military and government officials, eventually evolved into patua in Portugal's smallest but longest surviving Asian entrepot of trade. Chinese words also began to enter the vocabulary as intermarriage increased, just as English words was also used in later years. 67 Teixeira, Fr. Manuel, Macau no Secu/o XVIII, 455. 68 Ibid., 587-88. 54

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA .......... ~3/ ·,,-?\:~2~~-t,:.: ,• ·.,, 1823 s . (" ,,.,, '\· ,;,, ~- . ~- ... 1S23 1 19-9, Lino Joe& (~, naoc,1to• 11-9, filho leg!tirno de· Constantino Lope~ e de Ana ,• Joaquina Heitor, neto pat.orno de .Conete.ntfno· Lopes e l,!e Cute.na,,da IA11, !II ll!llteni no de Jeronimo Rei tor e de Rib Rei tor, ' · '-l --~: !'Ill' ,;, . . . , . .,. ~• · e 23-9 l~nuel de na ao Cdre 20 1tnoa eecnTO de Caetllno Vicente Joa, de' snn:.-~t!l"'-'t ; . 27-9 1 Firmino do. Ro•" Msa.aoe - , . eg i!IO e Do ngo11 a Cl\11'0 e Jloea,,,e. de Joaru,, ancioca do. Rosa, ne_to_paterno de llalluel ~ Rosa e de R1t1t':f~-"-"ra, da Crm e naterno c:!e Jacinto Ribeiro e de Ana Ant6nia Fav,,cho. 1,' ,,:,.,, . ~ Joa uim de !Ill o Timor do 20 anoe, eecrno de cia ~ es 'Yiuvil de ·Franciaco Pedro, Cafro , de 30 anoa, idem ·ieem -idem Joa, da Paiva, o- o,rrenc eco e AB••• o uvoa I naec,.,oo 01 fil o . leg timo de Bertlll de -Gouvo1t e de Demvinda l,lar a os emedios, neto pe.terno deJose de Gouven e de Josefa , d'Al>reu, e materno de Ant6nio dos Re~e4ioe e de Rit1t de Souz1t Peret1, Uateoe de na o Timor, de 18 anoe, eecraTO de Rosa l,hria de l!oronh1t ~ - O Coro ina .An on o e nn~ao .:a anos• escrnva e An nio Fri, de Silva. 22-10, Jo1tquim Ant nio, •n , nasc,1tos , o eg mo e o o Rooario e do Francis e n doe Re dio•, neto pe.terno de Pedro do Rolario e de Varia do Roe&. rio, e mnterno de Vicente do• Remedios e 4e Dominga• do• Remedioo, . · 20-10,Jeronimo( da Lu1}, nasa,aos 30-4?, f~lho l~g!timo de Pedro Joto da Luz e de ;uliana Vitoria, · 21-10, I zabel Francieca(de SilTAbl, naec,aos 24-10, !ilha leg!timo de Claudio Joaquim de S · Sil TB. e de ~rbarn d' reu, neta paterna de Joo& Joaquil!I da Silva e de Ant6nia Joo:quina d'Almeida e Silvi>, e materna "de Joao d'Abrea e do Izabel d'Abrea. 1-11, Cri•pim Antonio( do Roo&.rio), naoc,ao• 24-10, !'ilho leg!timo d.e Uonuel do Ro•&rio e de ~ia Fr nncioaa doj Roa&rio, neto paterno de Pedro do Ro.aario e de llarla do-Ro•ario, ·e m1tternode Tiago e de Motia Ant6ni"• 9-J 11 Joao ·Jo6e~ Siqueiraj, n&sa • .,o• 2-11, t'ill:o leg!timo de Bartolomeo Francisco de 51-1 queirn o de t\u-gar1da Sim3co, neto paterno de Vicente de Siqueirn e de Roea lk-ria de tloronha, e lll8terno de Si.mo Pereira e de Boaventura de Silve, 20-111 lle.ria Roee. 1 ~ neoc • .,o•,,,,,,, · ! ilha legitimo. de Joaquim Joe& Ferra. Viega e de \_ . Ron J~aquina de Pllivs Viega, neta paterna de Jose de Silva Correa e · de 1-m-ia Berta da Viega,e rre.terna de Francisco Jose de Paiva .e de Ignacia lfarq_ues do Pain, 22- 11 , Alberto Ant6nio(§?telho) ! · naac .e.oo 15-11, filho l eg!timo de Ant6n1o Felio Botelho e de Rita !~rill dos Rei:edios, noto pnterno de Domingos Felis Botelho e de l'ariana Simoe• , . 23-11, .'oana Severino, de 15 dia•, filha de pin• gentioe , Padrinho• , Severin& Antonia do . , Roe&.rio e Frnncieca Joaquim de- 1:oronha. . . •. 2-121 Jolo,( do Bohrl2,)? -liN/iii de 7 anae, !D.ho de Ana i{rcelinn do Rooario, 8-121 E•m1tlinda U..ria (dao Chaga•), naoc,.,ot1 1-12, filha lJg!tina de Ant6nio Aogstinho das c~a• e de Ermel inda Roea Similes, neta paterna de Teot6nio da Cunha -/.lll dat! Cbfll!:ae e de Ana Guiteria de Sabra?m e m1tterna de Guill,.,rme Bran.ton '! de Joaera · Sici!eo. • Lucas , de naclo Carre , de 20 anoe , eecr: vo de Bario de S,Jose de Porto-Jlggre, Lucae, de na9a3 Timor, ee 20 MO• escr avo ce Ant6nio Fri de Sil va, • a r a , nasc.aoe , i og timo. de Santino de SilTa .e de Ana Antonia, neta paterna de Ant6r~o de "Silve. e ·de Josefa do Roo!rio, ems.terns. de? • 26-12 1 Joaguim1 do nay1.o Tim:ir1 de 18 anoe: 1 eecre.vo de Louren£o J os'l:, doa Sanu,s. )P.24 I 6-l, Cuilherce Sabino(Botelho), nasc,eoe 30-12-231 r13ho l egitimo de Braz Jcaquim Bot elho e de Jceefa Heitor , noto paterno/ de Simoa oaquim Botelho e de Ana l!aria Fein-". e mtern,;, de Jeronimo RUtor e de Rita Heitor, · 2,-1, Sebo.etiana~Ro•a), nasc,.,oe 20-1, !i~ha leg!ti'!"' de _Angelo Vi, ente Rosa e de Vitorina Pires 1e.na, neta p1t~ern1t de L'anuel Vicente , Pereira e de Clara de Aranjo Rosa, e ,m~erna de Jo11o P6re• Viana e do Angela do Souza, .: . . .. 21!- l, Lollgerio(Lodg,rio), .Antonio(da ·Roea}, naoc.aot1 21-1, !ilho leg!timo de .&lrt6nio Feli• da Ro•a e de Izabel l.l!lrla da Cruz, neto pa"terno 4e An"t6nio Mo~el da :Roaa e de Ana Faustina _d' A.Dreu, . · . · . 7-2, .Honoria An-t6n1a(da Crus, )naac.aoa 31-i 1, tilha leg!u.,_· ·de Ant6nio da Cruz e ·de Pe-tronila da"Gruf, neta paterna de Joiio da .Crus1 e de l!aria de P.,,.dot1 Reia. ·e mterna de Joao Eusebio da Crus e de Ana Unria Goni 0 • •• . 17-2,Lucian_a, de 2 anoe, criola de Felipa ·d~•• Baptismal Record September- December 1823 Parish Register of Sao Louren<;o, Macau 9 slaves baptized in 3 months underlined in red Courtesy: Church of Latter-Day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah 55

Many slaves in Macau were baptized into the Catholic faith as baptismal records show. Therefore, it cannot be discounted that some of the ancestors of the Portuguese of Macau were also borne of slaves. However, unlike the Dutch and other Europeans who went to seek their fortune in Asia or hired to work for a company they had there, the Portuguese were comparatively tolerant of their offspring born in or out of wedlock and nurtured these children in their homes without prejudice. It is also more than probable that Asian and African slaves were brought to Portugal in the sixteenth century, even though King Manuel had issued strict orders that it was unlawful to bring them back on the return journeys of their ships. A few certainly found their way into the families of the Portuguese in their motherland and after several generations of intermarriage, their children could very well have gone to the colonies as reinois. Muitsais, abducted from their parents and sold as slaves, were also "exported" to other parts of Asia and India. Using the conversion to Christianity to reinforce their defense in justifying the acquisition of slaves in transportation for sale, the many edicts by the King Manuel in 1520 and King Sebastiao in 1571 resulted in a politically pressured Viceregal Decree, which prohibited the enslavement of Chinese in Macau. The difficulty in implementation was obvious as further decrees in 1613, followed by those of 1619 and 1624, which forbade the enslavement of Chinese, also had little success. There was much disagreement between the ecclesiastical and civil authorities, which continued through the seventeenth and into the eighteenth centuries, culminating in the edict of March 1758 by Dom Jose where all Chinese slaves, male or female, were to be regarded as free persons. Under the threat of severe penalties, all muitsai and Chinese slaves were to be released within twenty-four hours, the duties of Pais dos Cristifos69 abolished, and all responsibilities of the ecclesia transferred to civil authorities.70 Despite all the Asian intermix in the early Macaense population, almost exclusively they have retained their Portuguese names, and most importantly their surnames which have been passed down the generations. Isolated in the tiny peninsula of Macau the Macaenses retained their unique identity. There is much discussion among some historians as to the ancestry of the Macaense and the percentage of Chinese versus other Asian races. A few Christianized Chinese women began to intermarry into the Macaense community in late seventeenth and early eighteenth 69 Pai or Pay dos Cristoos: literally "Father of the Christians," was a priest charged with watching over the entitled interests of newly converted slaves. 70 Boxer, C. A., Fida/gos in the Far East, 229-41. 56

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA century and more so in the twentieth century. This is not to be confused with Chinese women, and men for that matter, who were orphans, baptized and given Portuguese names by priests and then infused into the community before that time. However, there are some who believe that Macaenses originated or are mostly descended from intermarriages between Portuguese men and Chinese women, suggesting that it had been so from the early years following the foundation of Macau. Disagreeing with that supposition Ana Maria Amaro wrote " ... it is absolutely inconceivable that the Macaense women were all, or in their majority, Chinese or Lusa-Chinese as not even in the nineteenth century from which there are indisputable documents verifying this, a time when the old socio-cultural barriers began to crumble."71 Going a step further she added that In fact, marriage with Chinese women was scorned and an object of criticism in the restricted society of Macau ... On the other hand, the Chinese families of high class never wanted their children to interbreed with the 'barbarians of the West.' The children of the soil (Macaenses) married between their own kind, primarily with respect to those of the highest class, being often in this case a marriage preferably with family members of the fourth or even as the third tier. But with preference that the Ji/has da terra daughters of the soil married Europeans or with (white) foreigners, ... 72 Very few Chinese men married into that community and those that did were generally orphans, as discussed above, who were subsequently Christianized and given Portuguese names by the priests in Macau. Miguel de Abreu and his son-in-law Jose de Santo Antonio baptized in 1737 are just two examples of orphans of direct Chinese descent who married into the community. Orphans were often from poor families who could not afford their upbringing, children born out of wedlock and unwanted, or Chinese who would otherwise perish without shelter. Not all orphans, however, were children of underprivileged families or of totally Chinese parents. In 1727 there was record of three orphans with dowries from the orphanage at Santa Casa offered for marriage the daughters of: "Joao Valente, ex-judge of the Senate; Francisco de Faria, ex-leader of the Senate, and Braz Antunes."73 The Santa Casa orphanage, an asylum for widows and orphan girls cared for by nuns was awarded "one half percent on the whole importation of the trade, which the Senate had set 71 Amaro, Ana Maria, Fi/hos da Terra, 25. 72 Ibid., 30-37. 73 Teixeira, Fr. Manuel, Macau no Seculo XVIII, 291. 57

apart for a nuptial portion ... the net proceeds of the premium, determines the number of girls who can be admitted."74 Dowries often attracted the European-born Portuguese men to marry local born orphan girls though many did remain in the convents encouraged to become novitiates. Wealthy merchant and ship owner Manuel Favacho left dowries for 20 orphans of Portuguese descent when he died in 1718. This prompted the Viceroy at Goa to write to the Bishop of Macau "highly recommending" that the dowries be used for the orphans to marry "soldiers and other serious men ... staying away from sailors when possible as they are often without education to enable a peaceful life, not even finding themselves able to read or write."75 It is plausible that that the dowry was also used by the Senate of Macau for the establishment of the orphanage at Santa Casa de Miseric6rdia. British and other Europeans also intermarried into the Portuguese community in Macau before Hong Kong became a British colony. This is evidenced by surnames such as Allanson, Baduel, Bourgogne, Carion, Carliton, Corveth, Danenberg, Grandpre, Hyndman, Marwick, Moor, Salatwichy, Sanches, Vandenberg and Yvanovich which are listed in the genealogical study by Jorge Forjaz. 76 However, it was men from continental Portugal who were the primogenitors shaping the male line in Macaense ancestry with only a few women from Portugal who married into the community before the late eighteenth century. Centuries of intermarriage within the community where the male gene was European was predominant in forging the nucleus of the Macaense people. The withdrawal of continental Portuguese troops from Macau in 1974 following the military coup which ended Portuguese Colonial Wars in Africa (1961-1974) and the departure of Macaense families before and during that period saw an increase of intermarriage between the Macaense and the Chinese in that colony. Joao Pina Ca bra l's research found that marriages between continental Portugal and Macaenses "declined rapidly while the percentage of intermarriage between the Macaenses themselves dropped immediately to 34.41% in 1975-1981, and afterwards to 33.65% in 1982-1986, and finally in 1987-1990 to 19.75%."77 These numbers reflect the change in matrimonial and racial integration of those in Macau and the changing identity of the Macaense living there. 74 Lungstedt, 33. 75 Teixeira, Fr. Manuel, Macau no Secu/o XVIII, 183-184. 76 Forjaz, Jorge, Familias Macaenses, all 6 volumes. 77 Cabral, Joao de Pina, Em terra dos Tufoes, 129. 58

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 4 British Imperialism, Opium, and the Pirate Threat Macau's history, the ability of the population to live through the heyday of bountiful trade and survive its decline and the subsequent centuries of stagnant existence, is a credit to the Portuguese. The diplomacy and patience of the Portuguese endured many incidents without letting ego blind their purpose - if their purpose was only to hold onto Macau as part of the Portuguese overseas empire, that is. However, if the aim was to create and maintain a center of European trade in China, their initial success was wrested by the cunning and persistence of the English, leaving them with merely a shell of what could have been. The English saw their opportunity to intrude into the wake of Portuguese trade between China and Japan in 1602, soon after the union of the Spanish and Portuguese Crowns under Spain's Philip II. Successfully assisting the Dutch in the blockade of Macau-Malacca shipping between 1634 and 1640, they were less effective in the waters between Macau and Nagasaki, as their primary objective was the lucrative China Trade. The first English ship attempting to establish trade with China anchored off the shores of Macau in 1635.78 The English were unsuccessful but left convinced that this would be possible. Chinese reaction to the short stay of a new group of barbarians looking very much like the Dutch, who tried to invade Macau just over ten years earlier, was to take measures to punish the Portuguese for permitting them onshore. They imposed a fine on Macau, but when the senate hesitated to pay, the Mandarin 79 ordered all Chinese out of Macau and closed the barrier gate behind them, thus depriving the city of all food supply. Too small to be self-sustaining, the tiny peninsula of Macau relied on the food that passed through the barrier gate, porta do cerco, a "shut-off valve" the Chinese used very effectively to control the lifeline of the territory. It was used more than once to levy Chinese demands that the Portuguese had to assent by compromise. But this was how the Portuguese retained their foothold in Macau, not 78 Coates, Austin, A Macao Narrative, 53-55. 79 Mandarin: learned Chinese civil servants appointed by competitive examination, their chief being directly responsible to the Emperor. 59

by confrontation, as they were shrewd enough to realize. They had to maintain their then monopoly, even if only as brokers, in trading with the Chinese. Having dealt with the Chinese, particularly the officials and mandarins of Guangzhou and nearby districts bordering Macau, for a century and more, they knew of the give-and-take, often in the form of bribes, to maintain the status quo when the situation arose. However, this form of restraint and compromise was not always the case. Bei-meen, to "give face," was often essential to give recognition to Chinese authorities before beginning a negotiation. The English and other Europeans looked upon this practice as shamefully bending, or giving-in, to the Chinese, but the local Portuguese viewed it more as merely a custom. It was such flexibility on one side, and acumen on the other, that made it possible for the two to sustain stability, each for his own purpose. Maintaining Portuguese rule in the tiny peninsula of Macau, while the homeland of the Portuguese was many thousands of miles away, could only have been accomplished with negotiations, often followed by monetary concessions and the ability to coexist. , • ~SJ"',J,. I} r!J,) ~ t t::7 MOUTH OF THE PEARL RIVER Anionio M. Jorge da Silva 60

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA The Chinese held the Portuguese accountable for all foreign intrusion into the Pearl River and for any stay in Macau. They sanctioned and justified the establishment of a Portuguese settlement and its fortification for the protection of the approach to Guangzhou (Canton) from pirates and, in their minds, all unwanted foreigners. As Austin Coates pointed out: The Portuguese were installed at the mouth of the river somewhat in the capacity of a filter, without passing through which no outsider could make contact with the Chinese ... but also with the idea that seafaring foreigners would probably prove the most appropriate people to keep other seafaring foreigners away.80 The Chinese looked upon the Portuguese as a "security post" or "checkpoint," a screen beyond which none could pass without prior authorization from the Chinese. At the time, this was often out of the question, and the Portuguese settlement was held accountable for any such breach. The ability of the Portuguese to communicate and negotiate was not only essential, but key to their long-term stay as peaceful settlers on this defined and segregated piece of Chinese soil. The Portuguese understood this but other European powers had neither credence nor respect for any such understanding. Portuguese interests were both religious and commercial but the interest of other Europeans, particularly the English, was purely financial profit. Hardly "territorialists11 where" ... strategy controls over territory and population is the objective, and control over mobile capital the means ... 11181 the Portuguese saw and grasped the opportunity to expand trade while promoting their religious zeal. Hence, before the arrival of the English, contact and trade between the Portuguese and the Chinese was relatively peaceful, except for a few incidents. Silver from the Japan Trade and later from the mines of South America satisfied the Chinese coffers; gold, which was exchanged for silver in China, and for silk, tea, and porcelain in the reverse direction, proved to be most lucrative for the other side and very attractive to the other Europeans, who soon hurried to cash in. The Portuguese were satisfied with peacefully maintaining their small yet lucrative entrep6t. However, in the long run, aggression by the zealous English proved to be more expedient, overwhelming the initial brokerage and monopoly of trade the Portuguese enjoyed. The English tried again in July 1637, this time under the command of John Weddell, sailing upriver toward Guangdong only to be outsmarted by the Chinese, and forced 8° Coates, Austin, Macau and the British, 4. 81 Arrighi, Giovanni, The Long Twentieth Century, 35. 61

to withdraw. Once again, the Portuguese were held accountable and fined by the Mandarins. Ever persistent, the English East India Company82 sent their ship, the Return, to Macau in 1673, but the Chinese soon repelled this brash attempt. In 1689, they sent another ship, the Defence, which also had little success. It was only in 1699, when they sent the Macclesfield "to try again in that area", that the beginning of regular trading between the East India Company and the Chinese took root. 83 As mentioned earlier, the Chinese regarded Europeans as inferior barbarians. China had no need for western goods and had only contempt for their intrusion onto the shores of their empire. This attitude was a constant source of irritation to the Europeans, who also considered themselves superior to the Chinese and saw trade as a sequent to discovery. Only the Europeans' thirst for trade and the Chinese passion for silver made them tolerate each other. Trade with China was carried out primarily with national companies, each as a representative of its country. The history of trade rights, and the way they were manipulated by both the Europeans (particularly the English) and the Chinese officials, is a complex issue. But regardless of Euro or Sinocentrism, the once sealed doors to Chinese trade were now open and no longer through the screen of Portuguese monopoly. Macau and the Portuguese were sidestepped, outmaneuvered by the English. The Chinese requirement to apply through proper channels in Macau was no longer effective, and the Portuguese presence no longer warded off the surge of willing and persistent traders. More and more foreign ships began to trade in Chinese ports, which were not prepared for the menace and disarray caused by foreign sailors and traders alike. Forbidden Chinese emigration seemed inevitable and difficult to control. The surge was overwhelming, but the doors to trade in China had been opened, and unless the Chinese themselves channeled the entry of the gateway to trade, the disorder might become insurmountable. Realizing this, and in hopes of restoring order, the Chinese Emperor Kangxi (K'ang Hsi) offered in 1719 to proclaim that all foreign trade should be conducted through Macau. Without foresight, the senate of Macau, fearing further competition from other European countries and worrying that Macau would turn into a port controlled by the Mandarins, declined the offer. This made no sense at all and it in fact augmented the English circumvention, verifying and thus creating the opening for which the English and Europeans had long waited. The Portuguese monopoly of trade with China was over. The senators were either unable or unwilling 82 A privately-owned trading company created by the English to trade with countries in Asia. Granted a Royal Charter in 1600 by Queen Elizabeth I it was also referred to as the English India Company then the British East India Company. 83 Coates, Austin, Macau and the British, 37. 62

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA to see that time and circumstances had changed. For a while, the shortsighted resident-merchants and the Senate of Macau saw the increase of European ships in Macau's harbor as a means of income from shipping permits. But trade with China was now permanently outside of Portuguese control. The following year the Guangdong Customs Commissioner (a collector of customs and overseer of commerce), known as the Hoppa, formed a loosely organized trade group to supersede the previous Chinese government-appointed agents in Guangzhou (Canton). All foreign trade would now be conducted through this group known by the foreigners as the Co-Hong, whose members were appointed by tender to the highest bidder. This Chinese merchant group and the British East India Company's "Select Committee of Supercargoes" controlled and operated the China Trade with Macau as its center until the mid-nineteenth century. It was through the Co-Hong that the Imperial Chinese Government collected a share of the profits of the lucrative trade with the West. Warehouses, or "factories," 84 so named by the Portuguese, were also used by the British East India Company as they were manned by their agents or "factors." The Portuguese cou ld just look on as these structures were permitted along the banks of the river, from Guangzhou across from Honam Island. During the trading season, between April and September, ... the larger national companies, French, English, Dutch, etc., rented premises in the reserved area from the Co-Hong merchants, ... Chinese rules governing the trade were framed on the assumption, more or less valid in earlier days, that at the end of each season barbarians sailed away to their own lands.85 This may have been so in theory, but the foreigners eventually found their way "with small excuses and moderate gifts" to leave their representatives behind during the off-season. Huangpu (Whampoa), an island immediately downstream, was designated as the anchorage for foreign trading vessels. 86 Strict regulations controlled the access to the thirteen factories. One of these regulations determined that all communication had to be through the intermediary of government-recognized official linguists who had to petition the Co-Hong. Many local Portuguese, through their linguistic abilities of being able to communicate in Portuguese, the Cantonese dialect of Chinese, and English, became invaluable as the liaison between 84 A term derived from feitoria in Portuguese, a place occupied by factors or agents. 85 Coates, Austin, Macau and the British, 45. 86 Bard, Solomon, Traders of Hong Kong, 21. 63

these traders and the governmental officials involved. Thus a business relationship started with interdependence between the local Portuguese and the English in particular. Formally having the monopoly in the China Trade, the brokers now had to satisfy themselves as employees or agents assisting the English and other foreign traders. But even for them, the situation was not stable, and subject to the whim of the Chinese. Brawls and disorderly conduct among the sailors of the different nations in Canton and Whampoa rendered the situation almost impossible to control by the Chinese, leading to changes in their trading regulations. An edict by the Emperor Qianlong (Ch'ien Lung) led to the revision of their trading system in 1760. New regulations were imposed, one of which forbade foreigners to enter the city of Guangzhou. They were to remain in their warehouses and had to pay for their merchandise without incurring any debt or arranging for credit. Forbidden to reside permanently, they had to leave after the business transaction. In the off-season, they left their representatives in Macau. As a result, the foreigners looked to Macau as their port of refuge. The French, Dutch, followed by the Danes and Swedes established themselves here; the English only came in 1770. Though the government of [Portuguese] India prohibited the permanent stay of foreigners in this city, Macau had to submit to the orders of the Viceroy of Canton who was speaking for the Emperor.87 Under the protection of the Portuguese Government of Macau, these foreign companies headquartered their operations in Macau. "By allowing visitors to reside in Portuguese homes as lodgers and to do business using the names of Portuguese firms quite a number of Macao citizens improved themselves financially." 88 The senate's unfortunate decision snuffed out all opportunities for Macau's redemption as the port of trade and gateway to China. English and European firms operating under Portuguese names were exactly that -in name only. The Portuguese had no vested interest in the companies and not even a presence beyond the doors of the businesses bearing their names. They were in fact landlords, as by law none other than Portuguese citizens could own property or land in Macau. 87 Silva, Beatriz, Basto da, Cronologia da Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 2, 111 88 Coates, Austin, Macau and the British, 41-42. 64

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA A newcomer taking a cursory look around Macao, would be impressed by the well-maintained offices sporting Portuguese company names, suggesting that the Portuguese were prominent in Far Eastern commerce. But on going inside one of them he would find all the important people were Europeans, with only a Macao Portuguese or two as clerks. The gentlemen whose grandiose name was displayed outside, and who had originally a European to trade through his firm, had long since been supplanted, his former modest business extinguished and himself seldom seen in the office, of which he was merely the landlord.89 Working as clerks subordinate to the English and Europeans would be the norm for the average Macau-Portuguese in the years to come. At least they had employment, and it might have even seemed a privilege to work for the new masters of an emerging China Trade. Through their lack of foresight, the Portuguese lost their monopoly in trade with the Chinese. They were determined, however, to maintain the foothold they had established in the settlement of Macau. Unlike the English, they had everything to lose by creating friction with the Chinese. They continued their policy of peaceful coexistence with the Chinese by appeasing them and negotiating their differences. This was for long seen by the English as a weakness, who in later years took advantage of it. At this point, it can be said that the Portuguese opened the doors for European trade in China, but it was the English who would pave the way for international trade, not merely with, but in China. Though England and Scotland merged as the United Kingdom of Great Britain in 1707, the English East India Company, which represented London merchants trading in the East Indies from the early eighteenth century, dominated the East India Trade, and the navy, which protected it, were still known collectively as "the English." In 1801, Ireland joined the already united England and Scotland to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland under the Acts of Union. It would seem appropriate then to use the adjective British from that point on, as it became more representative of the nation of Great Britain who indeed set out to "rule the waves." With a foot in the door, the British now wanted to establish their base of trade. Having bypassed the Portuguese, they now looked at Macau from a different 89 Ibid., 56. 65

perspective. Perhaps using the invasion of Portugal, France, and Spain during the French Revolutionary Wars (1792-1802), which could have resulted in French attempts to take some of the Portuguese overseas territories, including Macau, as an excuse, the British sent a warship to "protect" the Portuguese territory in China. Arriving at the anchorage of Lintin in 1802 with British troops, H.M.S. Arrogant waited for orders to land at Macau.90 Macau faced possible British occupation once again. The Chinese, aware of the situation, warned the Portuguese that if the British were to land on what they considered Chinese soil, they would send troops to drive out the invaders. This, accompanied by further threats from Marquess Wellesley to seize Macau by force, was the situation facing Ouvidor (Crown judge) Miguel Jose de Arriaga Brum da Silveira (Sou-Kei Chi, the Chinese called him) the Royal Magistrate of Macau, who arrived in Macau that same year. Arriaga had to not only deal with the British, but also had to combat the pirates whom neither the English nor the Chinese Imperial fleets could control. Macau Governor, Bernardo Lemos Faria, assented to the advice of the Crown Judge, Miguel de Arriaga, 91 who had good relations and the respect of the Chinese authorities. Cunningly, Arriaga advised that the British troops should lay down their arms, and then be invited to Macau as "guests" under the Portuguese flag, knowing full well that the Chinese would react negatively. The British entered Macau, occupying some of the forts as if they had taken over. Not long after, the Chinese shut down all trade in Guangzhou, and then removed all help from the factories and cut off the food supply. In anger, Drury ordered all Britons and British ships to leave Guangzhou and Huangpu and move down to the mouth of the river as his troops prepared to bombard Guangzhou and teach the Chinese a lesson. Fearing the consequences and the risk of war, which would greatly affect trade and their profits, the merchants and the ship captains refused to move. Succeeding in his maneuver, Arriaga and the supercargoes of the East India Company negotiated a peaceful arrangement for British troops to leave. This being done, the Chinese carefully inspected every fort in the city and when satisfied, trade resumed. The Chinese proved they had the upper hand. Things went back to normal, at least until the next crisis. 9° Coates, Austin, Macau and the British, 92. 91 Miguel de Arriaga known by the Chinese as Sou-Kei Chi, the Royal Magistrate of Macau. 66

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Under overwhelming pressure, Arriaga was now forced to confront the threat of the pirate fleets. The infestation of pirates at the entrance to the Pearl River in the last decade of the eighteenth century was uncontrollable. It necessitated the Mandarin of Heungshan's then Imperial navy to act against the pirates who amassed in fleets to pillage and ravish the Chinese coastal villages who did not pay contributions levied on their demand. The imperial navy proved inefficient and hopeless after being completely defeated several times. The Portuguese government of Macau now had to guard its shores and protect merchant ships from being attacked. There were forts fitted with guns and cannons able to fend the pirates off its shores, however, only a few armed ships were sent out to fight off the pirates. Even one small victory by the Princeza Carlota commanded by Alferes (2nd• Lieutenant) Pereira Barreto in 1807 did not resolve the problem. Just over a year later, in 1809, Miguel de Arriaga organized a fleet of six Portuguese ships to accompany the Chinese Imperial Fleet to combat the pirates, led by the invincible pirate chief of the red fleet, Cheung Po Tsai [~lH~Hf in Chinese].92 Arriaga's fleet of six ships was comprised of the flagship "Baluarte" lnconquistavel, commanded by Artillery Captain Joze Pinto Alcoforado, the "Pala" Nossa Senhora da Conceic;ao commanded by Pilot Luis Carlos de Miranda, the "Brigue" Princeza Carlota, now commanded by Pilot Antonio Gon<;alves Carocha, the "Ga/era" Sao Miguel under Pilot Constantino Jose Lopes, the "Brigue" Belizario commanded by 2nd Lieutenant Jose Felix dos Remedios 93 and the "Bergantim" lndiano commanded by 2nd Lieutenant Anacleto Jose da Silva. 94 The imperial fleet, of 60 junks with 18,000 men, proved quite unreliable; and the Portuguese had to act single-handed. After several skirmishes, on December 11th three squadrons of the red flag were defeated within sight of Macao, some fifteen junks being sunk. By order of the government Alcoforado called upon Cam Po Sai [Cheung Po Tsai] to capitulate at Macao and avail himself of the emperor's promise of amnesty and a high-graded mandarinate for him ... Cam Po Sai [Cheung Po Tsai] replied that he wished to be at peace with the Portuguese but feared them not; nor would he ever submit, despite Alcoforado's assurances. 92 Jesus, C. A. Montalto de, Historic Macao, 231-246. 93 Both Montalto de Jesus and Almerindo Lessa name the commander oft he Belizario as Jose Alves. 94 Jesus, C. A. Montalto de, Historic Macao, 240-241. Also see: Lessa, Almerindo, A Hist6ria e os Homens da Primeira Republica Democratica do Oriente, 130. 67

Alcoforado having resumed hostilities ... [after a desperate battle, in January 1810] At last Cam Po Sai [Cheung Po Tsai] agreed to surrender, but on condition that the faithful observance of all the terms of capitulation would be guaranteed by Arriaga, who mediated on behalf of the Chinese government ... Cam Po Sai [Cheung Po Tsai] capitulated with over 270 junks, 16,000 men, 5,000 women ... At a conference held to discuss the terms, Cam Po Sai [Cheung Po Tsai] complimented Arriaga as the prime mover in the capitulation 95 Cheung Po Tsai was granted his wish to be a ranking Mandarin and was appointed to command 30 ships in the Qing Dynasty's navy to fight other pirates. Meanwhile, the British and other European traders continued with their trade through the Co-Hong in Canton. The almost uncontrollable behavior of the foreigners was now further complicated by the importation of opium, which was forbidden by the Chinese. Opium, originally brought into China by Buddhist monks for medicinal purposes in the first century CE, was not new, but smoking it was. The pleasurable effects on the consumer soon turned opium into an addictive drug. It was not long before the deplorable effects of this habit became a problem and an issue with the Chinese authorities. The Chinese Emperor Yongzheng (Yung-Chen) issued an edict in 1729, which forbade the import of opium into China. The laws of supply and demand soon started the old trade of smuggling and led to high prices.96 The Portuguese soon realized they could import opium to Macau and sell it to the Chinese at a considerable profit. They had the opportunity to monopolize the importation of opium from India to Macau but failed to do so. The British seized the opportunity to capitalize on the trivial import by the Portuguese of about 200 cases annually to Macau, increasing it to 1,000 cases by 1767, and much more after that. Its contraband trade grew exponentially, impelling Emperor Jiaqing (Chia-Ching) to issue a further edict in 1799, reinforcing the mandate set by the previous emperor. Virtually ignored by the authorities in Guangzhou, the now rampant trade carried on as usual, with the Hoppa pocketing his share of the ever-growing profits. The Americans officially joined the China Trade in 1784 when the first American ship, the Empress of China, landed in Macau. Austin Coates remarked: 95 Ibid. 241-245 96 Ibid., 125. 68

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA The Americans who quickly rose to a place second only to the British in the China trade, found themselves confronted by the same problem as the East India Company; there was no means of buying tea in sufficient quantities from the Chinese without importing cotton and opium ... By 1807 foreign shipping in the Pearl River was almost entirely British and American.97 The disregard for Chinese opium laws was rampantly out of control, and it was only a matter of time before incidents with the Chinese would develop to further deteriorate Anglo-Chinese relationships. Sooner or later, it was inevitable that the Chinese would clash with the foreigners. On December 11, 1837, the official nomination by the British Government of Captain Charles Elliot, R.N., as the British Superintendent of Commerce in China, arrived in Macau. Shortly after his arrival in Guangzhou, the Chinese Government issued a decree stating that if all British ships transporting opium did not leave the Chinese coast within one month, all British subjects, including their Chinese superintendents, would be expelled from the territories of China. In July 1838, a British warship commanded by Admiral Maitland arrived in Macau with instructions to protect English commerce.98 The following year, Guangzhou authorities received notice of the appointment of Lin Zexu (Lin Tse-hsu) as Imperial High Commissioner, whose mission was to abolish the trafficking of opium and concentrate all trade through Guangzhou. His arrival in Guangzhou in March, and the order for all foreigners to surrender all the opium they possessed within three days, effectively began the opium crisis. Recognizing the danger of the situation, over a thousand cases of opium were loaded onto ships bound for Manila by some of the traders. Captain Elliot petitioned the Governor of Macau to offer protection to all British subjects, to which Governor Silveira Pinto agreed, except for those involved in the trafficking of opium. Meanwhile, Lin ordered all Chinese workers employed by foreigners to leave the factories in Guangzhou. The streets of Guangzhou that encircled the factories, as well as the riverside in front of the buildings, were heavily guarded by Chinese soldiers. The Mandarin of Casa Branca was ordered to send an official letter to the Official of Financial Affairs of Macau (Procurador), demanding the surrender of all opium in Macau within three days, otherwise the port would be closed. Upon hearing this, British Commander Blake offered to defend Macau, but his offer was refused by the Governor. 97 Ibid., 123-25. 98 Silva, Beatriz Baste da, Cronologia da Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 3, 87. 69

Once again, Macau was held to ransom by the Chinese. Macau's usefulness to the Chinese was evident. In essence, their resort to any displeasure with foreigners was to threaten Macau and its citizens, suspending trade and shutting its lifeline of food supply. As this Portuguese city was the only refuge for the British and the European merchants, its surety was critical, and the Chinese knew how to strangulate for effect. Before the opening diplomatic salvos of the Opium War in 1839, Captain Elliot surrendered over twenty thousand chests of opium to Chinese Commissioner Lin who had all of it publicly burnt. Captain Elliot then evacuated the factories in Guangzhou, moving all British subjects to Macau, and asking the Portuguese Government for protection in case of Chinese retribution. The Chinese then required all British merchants to sign a paper stating they would never return to China; in essence, expelling the British. The evacuees arrived in Macau in May. Lin then put pressure on the Macau Government to force the British to abandon that city. Respecting Portuguese neutrality in the war between Britain and China, Captain Elliot evacuated all the British subjects to Hong Kong in August, the majority of them living in cramped and difficult conditions on British ships anchored offshore. The British had used the sheltered harbor situated between the island of Hong Kong and mainland Kowloon as an anchorage since 1829, but its bleak and rocky hills were more than uninviting. A few months later, in January 1840, they returned to live in Macau. Incensed that the British were allowed to land and live in Macau, Lin issued an edict that all British subjects had to leave Macau within five days. The Portuguese, who always tried to remain neutral, sent an advocate for the senate in the person of Jose Vicente Caetano Jorge, to meet with the Chinese Tou T'oi (military superintendent), who reiterated his demand for the expulsion of Captain Elliot and all British subjects from Macau, threatening to close all warehouses, ultimately suspending Portuguese commerce and isolating Macau. Macau-born Jose Jorge did not yield in the face of intimidation from the Chinese envoy.99 Meanwhile, the British suggested that Macau become a British center of commerce, offering Governor Silveira Pinto defense of the city with eight hundred men on their warship Vo/age. Just as the previous such proposal offered by Commander Blake was rejected, this too was not accepted by the Governor. Rashly the British corvette Hyacinth forced its way into the inner port of Macau despite protests from the governor and the senate. An edict published in Guangzhou a few days later ordered the closure of commerce in Macau and the destruction of the city so long as the Portuguese continued to allow Captain Elliot to 99 Ibid., 96. 70

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA remain. Once again, Jose Vicente Jorge firmly responded to the threats and demands of the Chinese authorities, stating that the Portuguese were prepared to repel any unjust aggression with all their available military forces. The Portuguese military force in Macau was negligible even if all local Macaense men were to join. However, a few months later another edict from the Tou T'oi declared that he had interceded for the reopening of commerce in Macau, which was closed as a consequence of the war between the Chinese and British.100 Eruption of the Opium War Painting by Marciano Baptista Courtesy: Filomena "Meno" Baptista Provocation and demands from both sides were not resolved by negotiations in Guangzhou between the two sides. The Opium War between the Chinese and the British, which erupted in 1839, led to the seizure of the nearby island of Hong Kong by the British in January 1841. The Treaty of Nanjing in 1842 brought the war to a close, ceding Hong Kong to the British and establishing Treaty Ports of Shanghai, 100 Ibid., 99. 71

Xiamen (Shameen or Amoy), Guangzhou (Canton), Fuzhou (Foochow), and Ningbo (Ningpo), opening them to international trade. Shantau (Swatow), an additional coastal Treaty Port, was added in 1858, after the Second Opium War (1856 to 1860). This was a new chapter in the history of the Portuguese people 72

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Lorcha Painting by Marciano Baptista 73

Hunan Province Kiangsi Province INA Fuzhou e (Fuchow) Fukien Province Kuantung Provence South China Sea e Treaty Ports - 1842 e Trearty Port added in 1858 Treaty Ports 1842-1858 Antonio M. Jorge da Silva Treaty Ports Established by the Treaty of Nanjing in 1842 followed by the addition of Swatow in 1858 74

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 5 Macau after the Opium Wars The Opium Wars now over and a new foreign trading port established, and skirmishes at sea would once again concentrate on the foreboding pirates, who continued to be a menace. With the cession of Hong Kong to the British and the establishment of the Treaty Ports, maritime trade began to flourish and was to become a new lure to these marauders. Their ships and their cargo had to be protected." ... Portuguese lorchas were, since 1843, employed as convoys for both trading and imperial junks ... " 101 They were fast and well-armed, "as a rule two-masted with lateen as well as rounded sails," and the larger ones three-masted. Montalto de Jesus goes on to describe them as "of a very light draft the stern and rudder of Chinese design and well adapted for tacking about quickly." Others have described the lorcha as being a fighting ship with European hull and Chinese sails. Manned by Portuguese and Chinese crews, they were Macau's "best hope, constituting as they did a pledge of her welfare economically as well as politically." Young Macaenses formed part of the fighting crew along with their Chinese neighbors. The lorchas, all built on the shallow waters of the inner harbor, ranged from 150 tons to 40 tons, the larger ones having twenty guns. Their services were hired by Mandarins and merchants alike, almost as coastguards, to protect their ships and the waterways between ports. Sometimes fighting alongside British gunboats in waters too shallow but for the lorchas to maneuver, the "lorchamen" could further pursue pirate junks and destroy them. By the last quarter of the 1800s, and with the advent of steamships, lorchas became superfluous, fading into disuse; but in one form or another, piracy between Macau and Hong Kong continued into the twentieth century. 101 Montalto de Jesus, C. A., Historic Macao, 382. 75

Lorcha Photograph of painting taken at the Macau Maritime Museum by Antonio M. Jorge da Silva As Hong Kong prospered, so the merchants and businesses moved across the mouth of the Pearl River, leaving Macau to fend for itself. The British and other Europeans who remained did not assimilate into the community; they were there for "business only," and other than employing some of the locals and lodging in their city, Macau was only useful to them as a base since there was no other "refuge." 76

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA With its deep harbor, Hong Kong began to thrive as the new center of trade with China, hailing in deep-keeled steamships and traders from all corners of the globe. Declaring itself a free port further enhanced its attraction, leading some in the Portuguese Government in Macau to feel their city should have the same status. In 1844, the Portuguese asked for certain concessions from Peking, but without British support, the requests met with no success. The transportation of laborers from China to the Americas began at this time, as did the Portuguese occupation of the island of Taipa just across the entrance to the interior port of Macau. Following in the footsteps of a few Macaenses who almost immediately left to continue their services for their British employers in Hong Kong, a larger group left Macau in 1845 to seek employment there and in Shanghai. A few also went to the new treaty ports along the Chinese coast and Japan.102 A year later, in November 1845, a royal decree from Portugal declared Macau a free port, at the same time appointing Captain Joao Maria Ferreira de Amaral "to assert the absolute autonomy of the colony." 103 A strong-willed and battle-hardened naval hero, this new governor, who arrived in April 1846, was determined to take a tough stance to assert new rules by force if necessary. He went as far as imposing taxes on the local Chinese population, duties on Chinese "passage-boats" that caused the boat-people to riot, and to the wrath of the Chinese, the desecration and removal of Chinese tombs in the path of a road he ordered to be built between the city and the barrier gate. It is not surprising that he infuriated the local Chinese, who quickly came to despise him. His further ordering of the closure of the Chinese Customs House and refusal to pay ground rent for Macau itself confirmed his dismissal of the longstanding claim and its justification that Macau was Chinese territory. The Macau Senate, having dealt with the Chinese, and having an understanding of their mentality, saw little purpose in Amaral's arrogant and belligerent stance and wrote to the Portuguese Minister of Colonies in opposition to the governor's "drastic anti-Chinese policy." Furious, he dissolved the senate, "taunting the ex-senators with lack of loyalty and patriotism." 104 The Macaenses themselves could now see that Amaral was ruthless, stubborn, and determined to assert his will at all cost. Macau's goodwill with the Chinese was all but eradicated; it was now made very clear that Macau was Portuguese territory. Without the senate, Macau was now virtually under martial law. The economy declined rapidly, leaving 102 Silva, Beatriz Basta da, Cronofogia da Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 3, 113. 103 Montalto de Jesus, C. A., Historic Macao, 318. 104 Ibid., 326. 77

the citizens in despair. Apart from Amaral's "ill-timed" action, according to Montalto de Jesus: ... the home government left the colony entirely to its own precarious resources in the momentous crisis. The economic situation which the free trade policy pretended to remedy, grew worse and worse. The solvency of the treasury depended on patriotic contributions from Macaense merchants; whilst for public safety the citizens were further hampered with military service ... While patriots stoically bore every sacrifice, the onus of taxation, and specially of conscription, gave rise to widespread discontent, enhanced by despondency ... 105 Governor Amaral went as far as to impose a fine on street gambling, which the Chinese laborers enjoyed. It is interesting to note that this act inadvertently led to the licensing of lotteries, such as Pacapio, 106 and the game of Fanton, 107 which became "a business and financial stabilizer of great importance to Macau due to the economic debilitation caused by the English establishment of Hong Kong."108 This led to the concession of gambling in Macau during the government of Isidoro Francisco de Guimaraes, between 1851 and 1863. When Governor Amaral spotted a British man from Hong Kong refusing to remove his hat as requested by a priest during a religious procession in the streets of Macau, what could have been only a minor incident became a full-fledged confrontation with the British. The arrest of the man involved turned into an illegal rescue operation by British marines, killing an unarmed soldier who was off-duty and wounding three others. This outrage bore deplorable consequences - "The Chinese, who at first believed Macao stood under allied British aegis, now concluded that such was no longer the case ... At Canton, inflammatory placards, posted with official connivance, offered rewards for Amaral's head."109 105 Ibid., 326-27. 106 Pacapio: Chinese lottery whereby a pigeon picks the winning numbers with his beak. 107 Fan tan: Chinese gambling game in which players guess the last remaining number of beans piled on a plate as they get removed in groups of four. 108 Silva, Beatriz Basto da, Cronologia da Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 3, 129-30. 109 Montalto de Jesus, C. A., Historic Macao, 340. 78

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA With a price on his head and hated by the local Chinese, Amaral was assassinated a few days later, on August 22, 1849, while on a routine horseback ride beyond the barrier gate. Whether in fear of retaliation or to prepare for forceful implementation of Chinese domination over this foreign government on Chinese soil, Chinese troops massed along the border and at the fort of Pak Shan Lan, situated on a highpoint about half a mile to the north of the barrier-gate. The Portuguese and the Chinese had never faced significant military action before. Days later, a small force from the Macau military led by Macaense Lieutenant Vicente Nicolau de Mesquita stormed the Chinese fort of Pak Shan Lan. Under fire, he and thirty-six volunteers routed several hundred Chinese soldiers in the fort, ending further military action and Chinese intrusion in Macau affairs. Following the action, which took place on August 25, 1849, Pak Shan Lan was henceforth known by the Portuguese as Passa/eiio (possibly meaning "where the lion passed"}. To maintain order in Macau, a contingent of Portuguese troops was sent from India to augment the militia . This was perhaps a morale booster, but except for constant clashes with pirates in the vicinity, there were no further military confrontations between the Portuguese and the Chinese. Portuguese Soldiers returning after the Battle of Passateiio 1849 Courtesy: Jorge Forjaz, Famflias Macaenses 2017 79

Not as a direct result of this skirmish, a Sino-Portuguese treaty (Treaty of Tiensin) acknowledging Portuguese sovereignty over Macau was signed in 1862, but to the annoyance of the Portuguese, it was not ratified. The British, who were in a position to give support to the ratification of this treaty, did nothing, as there was nothing for them to gain by having a competitor across the mouth of the river. With their own interests at heart, they were satisfied to see their neighbor languish. Only in foreboding circumstances did they react. The population of Macau, particularly the Chinese, grew steadily. As mentioned earlier, records of population were but rough estimates in the first few centuries. An excerpt from Almerindo Lessa's tabulation shows the steadily rising Chinese population far exceeding that of the Portuguese, which for two hundred years reached a plateau at about four thousand, as shown below.11° The estimated number of Portuguese in 1621 probably does not include their slaves, but those of 1740 and after do include slaves of Chinese and other nations. Year 1621 1740 1825 1849 1871 Portuguese (including Macaenses and slaves) 700-800 4,000 4,500 4,000 5,463 Chinese Total 8,100 10,800 8,000 12,000 18,000 22,500 40,000 44,000 66,267 71,730 The increase of the Portuguese population between 1849 and 1871 was partially due to three contingents of soldiers sent there. The first contingent, with three hundred men following the military confrontation of Pak Shan Lan (Passaleao) in 1849, and two others in 1857, possibly of a similar number.111 The difference of almost eight hundred in 1871, as shown in the above table, must be that of the troops sent. Fr. Teixeira provided a further breakdown of the population that refers to this in his book Macau A traves dos Seculos: In 1860 the Macau Director of Health Dr. Lucindo da Silva obtained from information of the parishes of that epoch that the population of the city was 85,471 souls, 4,611 being Portuguese or descendants of the Portuguese, 790 110 Lessa, Almerindo, A Hist6ria e os Homens do Primeira Republica Democratica do Oriente, 154-55. 111 Silva, Beatriz Basta da, Cronologia do Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 3, 172. 80

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA newly Christianized Asians, 70 European foreigners, Parsees and Indians, and 80,000 Chinese. On December 31, 1878, by order of the Provincial Government it was determined that the population of the city was 59, 959 inhabitants of which 4,431 were Portuguese, 55, 450 Chinese and 78 foreigners. These numbers included the maritime inhabitants [living in fishing junks] in 1871 were 10,060 in number and in 1878 were of 8,935.112 However, Fr. Teixeira cautioned that the information given for the Chinese population must have been in error, as both the land and water-based inhabitants must have grown over the four-year period between 1871 and 1878, and not diminished. Comparing the two estimates it is evident that their accuracy can be questioned; however, they both show the rising Chinese population and that of Macau itself. The Portuguese population declined by about three hundred due to the many families that had moved to Hong Kong and Shanghai, and even with the additional soldiers, the rise in the Portuguese population could have been in error. The desperate economic decline of Macau as compared to its growth in Hong Kong introduced the possibility that the Portuguese home government of 1885 was considering the exchange of Portuguese Guinea and Macau for "regions of the French Congo."113 This caused great anxiety to the British, arousing concern that the French be so close to Hong Kong, with easy access to China. Their passive attitude to the Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Tiensin now became an urgency to support a treaty between the Portuguese and the Chinese. This second treaty, the Treaty of Peking, negotiated by Sir Robert Hart and, for all intents and purposes, drafted by him, was concluded and signed in 1887, confirming "the perpetual occupation and government of Macao by Portugal" and ratified the following year. This may have seemed a victory at the time, but it was not ultimately resolved as far as the Chinese were concerned. "This unequal treaty though engineered and promoted by the British behind the scene ... caused serious damage to China."114 However, the treaty did not confirm the territorial boundaries of Macau. 112 Teixeira, Fr. Manuel, Macau Atraves dos Seculos, 56-57. 113 Silva, Beatriz, Basto da, Cronologia do Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 3, 295. 114 Fei, Chenkang, Macao 400 Years, 287. 81

In 1898, when the big powers had forcibly leased China's harbors and bays, the Portuguese seized the opportunity to force the villagers of Mongha to pay them land tax ... 115 During the twenty years after the signing of the Treaty of Peking between China and Portugal, the Portuguese authorities in Macao never stopped their expansionist activities. They completely occupied the area south of the Barrier Gate and Green Island, and further encroached upon Taipa and Coloane islands. Nevertheless, due to the resistance of the Guangdong authorities and People, their attempt to occupy the area north of the Barrier Gate, the east part of Diumianshan (Lappa), and the islands of Dahengqin (Montanha Island) and Xiaohengqin (D. Joao Island) was successfully curbed. 116 Following the Opium War, one should cite the exploitation of what was at first voluntary emigration of Chinese laborers to the Americas. The infamous Coolie Trade flourished for over twenty years (1848-1874), transporting cheap labor from southern China through Macau to South American ports, such as Peru and Cuba, to work on plantations, mines, and even railroads in North America. Chinese historian Chengkang Fei explained its beginnings: China had a large number of surplus labourers who wanted to go abroad to earn their living. At that time, the Qing government had not cancelled its ban on prohibiting Chinese from going abroad, though Chinese officials mostly adopted a laissez-faire attitude towards such illegal actions. In 1845, Xiamen (Amoy) became the first centre to export large numbers of contracted Chinese labourers. About two years later, Macao also started to export Chinese labourers to Spain's colonies of Cuba and Peru and other countries that had just won independence from Spain ... The coolie trade at that time was atrocious. On the surface, these Chinese were contracted labourers wishing to go abroad of their own free will, but in fact, most of them were abducted.117 By 1825, most of Spain's colonies in South America, including Peru, had gained their independence and the abolition of the African slave trade had left many countries in need of a cheap labor force to work their fields. The emigration of Chinese workers began voluntarily but was soon spread by traffickers without regard for human 115 Ibid., 294. 116 Ibid., 298. 117 Ibid., 264. 82

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA suffering in their insatiable craving for money above all else. The British, French, Spanish, Portuguese, and a few other European companies transported their human cargo mainly to Peru and Cuba, and California. Though slavery was abolished by Portugal in 1836, it was only enforced in Macau in 1856. This regrettable "emigration" of Chinese coolies to Peru between 1849 and 1858 involved some Macaense ship owners who initially believed they were merely transporting laborers and not ruthlessly shipping human cargo. "This first translocation of 250 coolies consigned to Callao de Lima, Peru, in the ship Sophia of which he (Jose Vicente Caetano Jorge) was the proprietor" 118 in 1851 and which ceased the following year was recorded in Beatriz Basta da Silva's Emigra<;oo de Cu/es as "without hiding their purpose and methods." Montalto de Jesus, the author of Historic Macao, suggested that the Macau-controlled coolie houses barracoes (barracoons) and the transportation of the Chinese emigrants were regulated by ordinances. There was nothing new about the "housing" and, more realistically, the confinement of slaves, or in this case coolies, before shipping them off. The slave traders of Guinea on the west coast of Africa did the same centuries before, though there were no attempts at having any regulations at all then. But it is unthinkable that after the abolition of the slave trade by European powers this would surface again. Initially looked upon as the transportation of migrant workers, it was soon apparent that the coolies were a commodity of trade. They did not intermix with the population of Macau whatsoever, as they did not and could not walk about freely. They were not housed in the city for temporary transit, but were shamefully "warehoused" in the barracoons, according to Montalto de Jesus, then shipped out. To prevent the surreptitious conveyance of decoyed coolies, it was enacted in 1855 that contracts must be registered, and coolies inspected, by the procurator on shore, and by the harbor-master on board; and by the regulation of 1856 coolies had to be licensed and bonded, besides being liable to penalties for decoying and coercing emigrants, ... At Macau nobody abominated the traffic more than many respectable Macaenses themselves. They would have nothing at all to do therewith, deeming it an utter disgrace to the colony. The slave dealers were of various nationalities, with some Portuguese as their auxiliaries.119 Though regulations were enacted the trade continued, with Macau looked upon as the main perpetrator, whereas British ships, as well as Spanish, French, Italian, Dutch, 118 Silva, Beatriz Basta da, Emigra~ao de Cu/es, 25 and 61. 119 Montalto de Jesus, C. A., Historic Macao, 399-401. 83

and American, among others, also transshipped the coolies from ports in Hong Kong and other parts of China. Tens of thousands of coolie laborers were shipped from Hong Kong between 1854 and 1858; Fr. Teixeira argues vehemently that: it was from this British colony, and not from Macao, that the first Chinese coolies emigrated to South America, and it was in London and not in Lisbon that the first contract to export Chinese coolies to Cuba was signed ... Hong Kong continued to be the port from which all South-China emigrants, able to pay their passage, preferred to embark to foreign countries. The existence at one time (March 1857) of closed coolie barracoons in Hong Kong was a shocking discovery and was immediately put down.120 The chief-justice of Hong Kong remarked that the prohibition of the coolie traffic advocated in 1867, eleven years after its ban in Macau, was the only way to eliminate those atrocities, and that "any Chinese emigration should come from China alone and from Chinese ports ... " 121 However, the coolie trade continued until 1874. Apart from this the growth of Hong Kong and Shanghai, and their success as trading ports in China, completely overshadowed the importance of Macau, which had served its purpose as far as the British and the European traders were concerned. Realizing that there were better prospects in these new trading ports, more and more Portuguese from Macau moved to these cities for employment. Their communities grew from a few hundred to a few thousand in less than a hundred years. By 1930, the Portuguese community in Hong Kong numbered just over 3,000 and the Shanghai community just over 1,500 people. 122 The Macaense population in Macau was estimated at 3,000 at the end of 1911123 and in 1927 listed as 3,846 Portuguese, 591 of other nationalities, and 152,738 Chinese.124 As Hong Kong prospered and grew, Macau looked inward to work on its infrastructure, seeking to revive commerce and attract, or at least glean, surplus business from nearby Hong Kong. Reclamation of the outer harbor, Porto Exterior, and widening the narrow land strip at Porta do Cereo and Areia Preta, to the east of Mongha, all began after the first decades of the twentieth century. The islands 120 Teixeira, Fr. Manuel, 0 Comercio de Escravos em Macau, 76-78. 121 Jesus, C. A. Montalto de, Historic Macau, 408-9. 122 Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1931, Table 11, 111. 123 Silva, Beatriz Basto da, Cronologia da Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 4, 92. 124 Ibid., 242. 84

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA between Hong Kong and Macau were infested with pirates, who were a menace to be dealt with. New schools were inaugurated, musicians came and went, telephones were first introduced in the mid-1850s, and the lighthouse at Guia, the first on the Chinese coast, began to radiate its beams across the waters around Macau in 1865. The mansion of the Maria Bernardina dos Remedios family, constructed in 1870, was in 1890 converted into and opened as Hotel Boa Vista, later named Bela Vista, and became one of the landmarks of Macau. The city was slowly becoming a historical and tourist attraction, which would be its destiny until the end of the twentieth century. Much attention meanwhile was given to the islands of Taipa and Coloane, with frequent attempts to dislocate the pirates from their shores. Macau government officials came and went, as too the ecclesia went about their activities; all in all, the city was viable but quiescent. Light industry, as in the manufacturing of clothes, paper products, incense, firecrackers, and more were all in the hands of the Chinese. 85

CH I NA DISTRICT OF HIAN CHAN ~~-----=----M .CHIN-SAN {1 D D L:J~==:::::::==-......_ •CASA BRANCA CHA·UAN-SAN 0 CH I NA (J IUiA CA LAPA 0 ~MALAU-CHAU IL.HA DA MONTANHA (TAI VONG-CAM) MACAU AND NEIGHBORING ISLANDS 86 0 0 Ant6nio M. Jorge da Silva

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA •o <> CHINA 0 :vellhas (> KauChau U 0 Mouth of the Pearl River Lapa Mo/au Chau N Montanha * Fortress ~ Data based on infommtion from Sen ·icos de Carlografia e Codasrro, Maca11 MACAU AND ISLANDS circa 1960s Area in Kilometers 1957 D Landfill up ·to 1957 1 0 1 I f I Scale in Kilometera 2 ' AntOnio M. Jo rgt' da Sih•a Macau: 5.5 Taipa: 3.3 Coloane: 6.3 Total Area 15.1 sq. kilometers Information courtesy of Cartography and Cadastre Bureau, Macau 87 3 •

88

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 6 Macaense Communities in Hong Kong and Shanghai Following the seizure of Hong Kong, the British and foreign traders, including missionaries, who had established themselves in Macau moved their businesses across the forty-mile mouth of the Pearl River to the British possession, together with their Portuguese staff. But the settlement of Hong Kong was not immediate. The lack of infrastructure, and the fear of disease from malaria and dengue fever, kept most of the traders in Macau. Initially, a few but not all British and European businesses from Macau moved to the new British colony. But within a year or so, nearly all those who remained in Macau, along with their Portuguese staff, and others seeking employment in the new colony, followed in the wake of the first group of traders and left Macau. Hong Kong was declared a free port and traders of all nations were invited to use the new protected anchorage for their ships. A few Portuguese entrepreneurs eventually followed suit. Their emigration to the new British colony of Hong Kong and the Treaty Port of Shanghai saw the emergence of their own local communities, which began to drift from their social and emotional ties to Macau, yet always retained their identity as descendants of the Portuguese. Outside of Macau their British and European employers always identified them simply as "Portuguese", but never referred to them or their community as Macaonese, Macanese or Macaense. This continued to be the case, though in Hong Kong many eventually became British Subjects; they abandoned their Portuguese nationality, but only did so on paper, and not in their hearts or in their minds. Technically their allegiance to Portugal was in effect no longer, but they hung on to their identity as descendants of the Portuguese. Among the first Portuguese to arrive in Hong Kong were Leonardo d' Almada e Castro and his brother Jose, who both worked in the service of the British Government in Macau and were transferred to the new colony. The former served in the new Hong Kong Government as Clerk of Councils to both the Executive and Legislative Councils. In 1854 he was appointed Colonial Secretary but was denied the position due to strong opposition because he was not British. His brother Jose Maria d' Almada e Castro worked his way up in the new government and later held the post of Chief 89

Clerk of the Colonial Secretariat and Clerk of the Councils of the Hong Kong Government. Like Leonardo d' Almada e Castro, his compatriot Januario Antonio de Carvalho was in 1878 nominated by the Governor, Sir John Pope Hennessy, to be the Acting Treasurer of Hong Kong; but again, being a Portuguese national, he could not take that office. The local Portuguese in Hong Kong, Shanghai, and the treaty ports filled the middle ranks of the workforce, mostly employed in clerical positions, and consequently paid less than the British and other European expatriate staff. Many worked for the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation and other large firms in both cities, but in Hong Kong many were also employed by the local government, public utilities, and other major firms, such as Jardine Matheson and Company, Gibb, Livingston & Co., Lane Crawford & Co.; and the list goes on. Their linguistic ability proved invaluable to their employers, and they often served as translators and as "go-betweens" with the Chinese. Being able to speak English and the local Chinese dialect (Portuguese outside of Macau was now not important) and Shanghainese in Shanghai, they could communicate with upper management and the Chinese staff. The British colonial social structure was even more evident in the workplace, particularly in the banking system, with the British virtually segregated and ranking above the Portuguese who, in turn, were superior to the Chinese staff. Segregation became even more apparent when appointments by the Governors of Hong Kong were contested, and it was particularly insulting when British intermarriage with the Portuguese was unsanctioned. Colonization by the British was very different from that of the Portuguese and Spanish. The British favored segregation rather than integration with the local population. While the Portuguese believed in coexistence, the British colonized by control and rule over the people, as was evidenced in India, for example. Where possible, and in accordance with the rules of the Catholic Church, the Portuguese intermarried with the local ethnic population, but the British would only marry their own kind. There were of course always exceptions, but British-Eurasians in China were rare by comparison to the Portuguese mu/attos in Africa and Brazil, mestitos in the most general sense in Asia, and Macaenses in China. The British set themselves as a class above those in the lands they occupied and there they dictated the rules. But the nature of British colonialism soon had to change as even British naturalization was becoming possible. 90

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA While it seemed that becoming a British subject would make it possible to serve in a British government post, the Portuguese Macaenses soon found out this was not the case. Several times denied senior positions in the government, such as Colonial Secretary and Acting Treasurer of the British Colony of Hong Kong, due to their nationality, many Portuguese went as far as changing their national status to become British Subjects. When the government made it possible, many put their Portuguese nationality aside to become "British Subjects", but only to find a barrier there also. The British colonial mentality not only set their expatriates above everyone else socially, but the discrimination became prevalent in the business world as well. Many Portuguese who became British Subjects thinking that they could now have access to more government and British institutional positions would soon find out that they could neither use the same toilets as their British "bosses" in the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation nor rise to a position higher than Chief Clerk. (This was, of course, not so in the American and several European firms) The thought of marriage between a British expatriate who worked in these institutions and a Portuguese girl often resulted in the man being sent home to Britain. This form of humiliation lay dormant in the minds of the Portuguese and caused many of them to [silently] resent their British employers.125 Changing their national status to British Subject proved to be futile as the colonial attitude prevailed. Senior government positions in Hong Kong were reserved for those from the home country; similarly, it was not possible for the Portuguese to rise above the rank of Chief Clerk in the business environment. This situation lasted a long time and it was only after 1946 that some could attain the position of "officers" in the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank (HSBC). Before that, Chief Clerk was the highest position to which they could aspire. Hong Kong began to grow and prosper, and shortly after the mid-1800s, with the influx of Chinese to the colony following the Taiping Rebellion (1850-1866), the expansion of Kowloon into the New Territories increased trade and shipping using the harbor. Chinese businesses were getting more prosperous and they began to purchase property. The Chinese population gradually grew in prominence, and it was only a matter of time before they would step into the government of the colony, even 125 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., Diaspora Macaense to California, 7. 91

among protests from the British. However, the British were not tyrants simply oppressing the people; they were rather colonial rulers striving to function for the convenience of governance, and subjecting the local Chinese population to imperialism, discrimination and segregation. The latter was made evident in Hong Kong when the British Government of the colony passed an ordinance in 1904 reserving the Peak as a place of residence for persons other than Chinese. It shall not be lawful (save in accordance with the provisions of this Ordinance) for any owner, lessee, tenant or occupier of any land or building within the Hill District to let such land or building or any part thereof for the purpose of residence by any but non-Chinese or to permit any but non-Chinese to reside on or in such land or building.126 The Portuguese Macaenses were discriminated in a different way. In addition to their colonial attitude, it is also possible that the British had lost confidence in the Portuguese, due to their pliant dealings with the Chinese in Macau over the years. Changing their status in Hong Kong to become "subjects" of the British did not improve their prestige. Few felt humiliated by this, though there was much unspoken resentment by those employed and degraded in the workplace. A former employee of the HSBC bitterly recollects: My father's generation and the generations before his, to put it bluntly, were obsequiously servile under their British masters and subserviently accepted that jobs at the higher management levels were reserved to the expatriates. In that respect there were no agitators or militants among them for a better deal. They took what they got and "liked" it. Prospects for advancement were nil. .. Denied of economic, political and social opportunity, the Macanese residents lapsed into being a community of helpless complacency and apathy. Still, life was tolerable for them and they made the best of it. They even had a misguided sense of superiority given that there were the Chinese whom they looked down on.127 Another perspective was written by Frederic "Jim" Silva in his book: 126 Hill District Reservation Ordinance: http://www.legco.gov.hk/1904/h040328.pdf. 127 Ozorio, Horatio. Quote taken from his account written for Antonio M. Jorge da Silva, Diaspora Macaense to California, 41-42. 92

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA We were comfortable with a lot that placed us on an economic level much lower than that of the European colonials, but also at the same time we were economically better off than the majority Chinese. There was never much in the way of dissent or rebellion against a system that was overtly racist, not to say inherently unfair and unjust. It was unjust because regardless of education, experience or ability, the high executive positions were exclusively reserved for Europeans [expatriates]. Hong Kong's biggest employer, the government services, in their varied departments initiated this racist hierarchy, and it was automatically followed by the big British hangs (trading houses) and banks. Needless to say, these higher executive positions brought along with them much higher pay scales, generous overseas leave and excellent living quarters. Yet, despite this there was an unquestioning willingness to work within a system that seemed to have been natural and eternal. Perhaps this acceptance lay in the fact that we were the successors of our fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers who had originally chosen to leave their Macau homes and opt for a better livelihood available in Hong Kong and Shanghai. Knowingly or not, we owed our strength and assurance to our culture and our community. There were enough of us in numbers to live within our own world. We could socialize and intermarry without ever going beyond the community. Most of us, and our fathers and grandfathers before us appeared happy enough to conform and not feel those psychological hang-ups that other Eurasians may have felt in living the colonial life.128 Yet there were those in the community who took much pride in the part they played in the establishment of the colony. J.P. Braga's words aptly introduce his views of the Portuguese role in the new colony of Hong Kong, setting aside, if not forgiving, the colonial attitude and practices of the British: The Portuguese can take pride in the fact that they endured the hardships along with the British in the early years of the foundation and the build-up of Hongkong. From the very beginning, younger members of the Portuguese community of Macao who were in the service of British firms accompanied the latter to their new establishments in Hongkong. The loyalty of the Portuguese was thus displayed at the earliest stage of Hongkong's existence 128 Silva, Frederic A. "Jim", Things I Remember, 12-13. 93

and it has remained as one of the outstanding traits of the Portuguese in Hongkong during the past one hundred years. Venturesome young men among the Macao Portuguese also emigrated from Macao to try their fortunes on their own account in the new field. 129 Life for the Portuguese community in Hong Kong and Shanghai was quite different from that in Macau. The pace was faster, their persona more Anglicized, and even their spoken language changed to English. Nevertheless, some things never changed - their religious way of life, their pride in being Portuguese, their close family ties and community-oriented association. In Hong Kong their homes were located as close to their parish church as possible, so they could walk to church. Those living in the flat areas of Kowloon, who did not or could not walk due to their age, were taken there by rickshaws. Few had cars in the decade after World War II. Young and old alike religiously attended Mass before they went to their social clubs, played sports, or enjoyed their day before going back to work. The majority of the men in the community could be seen at their community sports club, Club de Recreio in Kowloon, on weekends. If not participating in sports, they socialized at the bar, club lunches, and at other club functions. Many of the young women also played sports, but the others moved in their own circle of friends, though not necessarily at home doing domestic chores as they had "amahs" to help there. They intermarried within the community and socialized among themselves. Their children had friends of other nationalities at school and some even joined to play together in the vicinities of their homes and playgrounds, but the parents of the Portuguese rarely invited children outside the Portuguese community to their homes. Photographs of the very popular birthday parties of the teen-agers in the 1950s very rarely show "outsiders." Non-Portuguese children who grew up with them felt "left out" in family occasions, remarking in later years of their lives that: the Portuguese were very insular in Hong Kong. It was hurtful to be excluded by the families. We played together in the streets but were never invited into their homes. Only when we were teenagers, were we included in some of the parties, but it was not the families that invited us. Children grow up to remember some of the mothers and fathers of those they play with but having been included in the circle of friends at play their families were unknown to us.Bo 129 Braga, J. P ., The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, 141. 130 Sayer, Joseph E., interview with the author, Livermore, California, January 22, 2013. 94

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA To some extent, this was also true among the Portuguese themselves. In Hong Kong and Shanghai, members of Portuguese descent did not fully integrate with the British or other Europeans. They believed themselves to be Portuguese, yet they hesitated to consider themselves Europeans, repudiating any reference to the term Eurasian, and acknowledging only that they were descendants of the Portuguese. Perhaps uncomfortable among the British and the Europeans, they rarely interacted socially. They looked upon those of mixed British or European marriages with the Chinese as Eurasians, which of course they were, but in Hong Kong "Eurasians" were not considered on the same social level as the Europeans or the British. In fact, the Hong Kong Portuguese seldom associated with them, and indeed engaged in discrimination, at least in verbal form. Conditioned for centuries that white Europeans, regardless of mix in their case, were somehow superior to Asians of any color or tint, they had constructed in their minds a "we-they" distinction between themselves and other ethnic groups. This behavior is consistent with Benedict Anderson's argument about selective memory and collective identity, and his contention that "nationalism has to be understood by aligning it, not with self-consciously held political ideologies, but with the large cultural systems that preceded it, out of which - as well as against which - it came into being."131 Working for the British demanded that the spoken and written language in the workplace was English. Within a couple of generations, English language replaced Portuguese even in at home. Macau eventually receded into the background of their lives. The Hong Kong and the Shanghai Portuguese lived a different life, spoke a different language, and visited their relatives and friends in Macau only occasionally. Outside of Macau, the English language became their lingua franca, leaving most descendants of those emigrants unable to speak or even understand Portuguese. When they returned to Macau for a visit, many Portuguese from Hong Kong, Shanghai and the Treaty Ports almost felt foreign. Apart from their inability to speak Portuguese, those not living in Macau, and particularly in Hong Kong, were also more British in their outlook, and did not have the same affinity with the Chinese they lived among. In general, there was little warmth in their relationship, apparent from their infrequent use of Cantonese in "chatting" with their Chinese neighbors, though they did use Cantonese when shopping, instructing their amahs, and when necessary in the workplace. This was 131 Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities, 12. 95

partly due to their lack of command in that dialect as compared to those from Macau, but more so because, living in a more structured three-tiered society, they just did not interact socially with the Chinese. In Shanghai the majority of the Portuguese initially lived in the International Settlement. As in Hong Kong they were employed by the British, Americans, and other Europeans. Though living among them, the Portuguese did not generally socialize with them except in sports. Perhaps being far from Macau, and living in an international environment rather than a British colony, they went further to express their loyalty and national pride in being Portuguese than those in Hong Kong. Most of those in the Shanghai community were not British Subjects and closely associated with the Portuguese Consul there, as the Portuguese were governed by extraterritorial rights with exclusive jurisdiction, both civil and criminal, which the Consul exercised over their own nationals. They interacted with their employers in the workplace but generally preferred to socialize among themselves and in their own Clube Lusitano. Identity and self-esteem played a major part in the workplace, where most of them were employed as clerks, sharing with their compatriots in Hong Kong an unspoken feeling, with some resentment, that they were socially looked down upon by their employers. This was not without foundation, as in Shanghai also, British enterprises did not permit the Portuguese to rise above the clerical level. But unlike Hong Kong, their children were integrated with young foreign nationals in the schools they attended, their Portuguese Company in the Shanghai Volunteer Corps served under Portuguese colors, and their youth were for a short time part of the Salazar Youth Movement, the Mocidade Portuguesa, 132 which also existed in Macau. 132 Mocidade Portuguesa - Portuguese youth organization founded in 1936 during the far-right wing regime of Prime Minister Antonio de Oliveira Salazar (1932-1968). 96

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Shanghai Volunteer Corps, Portuguese Company, 1914 Courtesy: Manuel F. Read Leitao family collection Even within the Portuguese community there were certain barriers. Rivalry between the Portuguese of Macau and those of Hong Kong and Shanghai had existed since the growth of the communities outside of their terra natal (land of birth), Macau. Being some distance apart, and possibly beginning with the adoption of English as their lingua franca, having jobs in the British colony, then changing their national status to British Subjects, the rivalry began. Sporting competitions between the communities brought about friendly rivalry, as one team traveled to play on the other's home ground. However, though such rivalry can sometimes have a murkier side, no harm ever came of it, as an underlying mutual respect always existed between all three communities. In common with all Macaenses, and very much a part of family life of the Portuguese communities in China, was the "amah. 11 After the epoch of the muitsai, female domestic help (known also as "servants" in Hong Kong) was still very much a part of their households; this was particularly so in Hong Kong. Amah, a term used for a girl or woman employed as a domestic servant, was in fact a continuation of the use of muitsais referred to in earlier chapters. In the Portuguese language "Ama" (from Medieval Latin Amma - mother) is also a wet nurse, or housekeeper. Similarly, in Cantonese Ah Ma also means "mother" and, depending on the intonation of the word, can also mean "grandmother." The servants, usually female, and known locally as amahs, cleaned, cooked and looked after the children. For obvious reasons they were known by the 97

community as "cleaning-amahs", "cook-amahs" and "baby-amahs". The majority of amahs in those days wore black pongee133 trousers and a starched white cotton tunic. The amahs lived in the house and many who remained with the families in Hong Kong until their retirement were looked upon as surrogate mothers to the children.134 The inability to pronounce names of the children correctly in Hong Kong particularly gave rise to the many nicknames that conjoined permanently with many in the community, in some cases virtually replacing their given names. Added to these were the nicknames, some almost insulting, that were attached to individuals with distinct facial or physical characteristics, and that often remained for the rest of their lives. The amah's inability to pronounce names, and the Chinese difficulty in rolling an "R", led to changes, such as Alberto becoming Ah-Pito, "Nado" replacing Leonardo, and "Mfco" or "Cus-Cus" substituting for Marcus. Coined affectionately by members of the community, which cannot be blamed on the amahs, the nickanmes ranged from "Darkie," "Cigar," and "Noong," (meaning "charred" in Cantonese) relating to an individual's color of skin, to someone with a pronounced nose, for example, being called "Corta Vento," from the Portuguese literally meaning "to cut through the wind." Then there was "Moofie," short for "Moffno," which in Portuguese means "importunate, wretched or a miserable person." Also, very common were Cantonese diminutives used for children, such as "Ah-nui" for little daughter, "Chai-chai'' or "Ah-chai'' for little son. 133 Pongee trousers are dark made of a soft thin Chinese silk usually left in its natural dark-brown color. 134 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong, vol. 2, 13. 98

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Children and Amahs, Hong Kong 1940 Courtesy: Sheila Collm;o collection ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Many baby-amahs remained with the families long after the children grew up, married, and had their own children. They were generally loved by those they looked after, and often looked upon by them in later years almost as surrogate mothers. After the diaspora of the 1950s-70s, these devoted ladies were left behind in the Chinese territories in which the Portuguese had lived for centuries, however they were not forgotten by the families who had no way of including them in their emigration to countries outside China. As the years passed, some families were fortunate enough to reunite, if only for a few hours or days, with their amahs. Many tears were shed by both sides as those years passed into history. 99

A group of Macaenses unaccounted for by most historians are those who merged into the Chinese community, losing all contact with their Portuguese heritage and their antecedents, be they from Macau, Hong Kong, or Shanghai. An article by Leonard Rivero referring particularly to those from Shanghai, whose parents were not legally married and whose mothers were Chinese, brings attention to this fact: After 5 7 years most of the Portuguese descendants and their children had lost contact with their Portuguese parents and had simply blended into the Chinese Shanghai community. There were times when they were treated with prejudice by the Shanghai Chinese population, especially during the Cultural Revolution because of their mixed heritage. They were prevented from securing good paying jobs or adequate housing, so they tended to hide their Portuguese bloodline by disassociating themselves with their Portuguese family name, adopting their mother's maiden name, speaking only Chinese and disposing of everything that linked them to their Portuguese ancestry. Over time, these descendants lost all contact with their Portuguese ancestors and lost all of their Portuguese culture and historical knowledge. 135 Though not for the same reasons, it is known that some children of the Macaense families went to live in China and were not heard from again. If for some reason a child was separated from his Portuguese father, and there was no other recourse for the mother to provide for her child or children, it was quite natural for her to return to the only life and people she had known to provide for and to secure the safety of her family. Whatever their experiences, the Portuguese who lived in China retained these unforgettable memories. 135 Rivero, Leonard C., Shanghaignese - an article handed to the author at the Old China Hands gathering in Fremont, California November 6, 2011. Also in the website www.shantuguese.webs.com/. 100

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Macau Community Hong Kong Community 101

102

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 7 First Half of the Twentieth Century in Macau The turn of the nineteenth century firmly established that the eminent mercantile group in Macau was the Chinese. By the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Chinese population was double that of the Portuguese and their local born, and a century later the Chinese population grew to ten times that of the Portuguese. Within that timeframe and even before, the Chinese had total control of retail and manufacturing in the city. They bought property to house their businesses and their families and continued to amplify local industry. The local Portuguese did not even try to compete in manufacturing and did little to own and operate local stores. The Chinese were totally immersed in the city and had complete control the local market. Thus, the twentieth century began in Macau. The list of products from Macau sent to the 1900 Universal Exposition in Paris, primarily jewelry and figurines, were all from Chinese firms. In 1927, Macau's first Industrial Exposition and Fair had 540 entries from Macau on show, most of them Chinese.136 This fair, a "strong sign of the vitality" of its industry, was set in an open space of just under twenty acres between Avenida Conselheiro Ferreira de Almeida, Av. Horta e Costa and Av. Coronel Mesquita in the district of Mongha, where a small lake fronted the lovely historical Chinese temple Kun-Yam Tong. This exposition bore witness to the many types of industry the Chinese of Macau had to offer, including preserved fish, tanning, shoes, textiles of silk and wool, matches, firecrackers, paper products, incense, and soap. Not only were there exhibits of Chinese products, but also Portuguese wines, cheese, sausages, photography and cinematography, etc. One of the 60 pavilions also had prize-awarding games of target shooting, roulette, lotto, etc., almost an omen of what was to come a century later. The Fair lasted more than a month, with an attendance estimated at about 50,000 non-residents. A precursor to the Portuguese exhibition in Seville, Spain in 1929, the attendance at the Macau Fair verifies the interest in the variety of goods that were available in East Asia. Hong Kong's growth in international commerce, banking and shipping may have financially overshadowed the industries of Macau, but this growth does not measure the 136 Silva, Beatriz Basto da, Cronologia da Hist6ria de Macau, Vol. 4, 225. 103

cooperation and success of the two ethnic groups living side-by-side in a very compact environment in Macau. Transportation too saw a leap into the twentieth century. The Macau Aerial Transport Co. Ltd. landed its first hydroplane in Macau in 1920, with the intent of establishing flights between Macau, Hong Kong and Canton. With twelve planes and sixteen American pilots on the ground, the company failed due to difficulties in obtaining permission from the British and Chinese authorities to land in their territories.137 Following in the footsteps of the first hydroplane landing in 1920, another attempt at an airplane service for Macau surfaced, but this time without the inclusion of Canton as one of its service locations. In 1936, Pan American Airways signed a contract with the Macau Government to use the water-landing site and hangar at Porto Exterior. By the following year, Pan American's "China Clipper," with postal delivery and 4 passengers, flew regularly to and from Hong Kong, until the outbreak of war in the Pacific.138 By the mid-1920s Macau was in the final stages of construction of its outer harbor Porto Exterior, hoping that it would attract some of the surplus from the growing economy of neighboring Hong Kong. A horseracing course was completed in 1927, and more homes were built in the city in anticipation; Macau was preparing for better days. Macau's real estate was soon dominated by Chinese ownership. With their business acumen and industrious nature, it is no wonder that their population grew steadily, far exceeding that of the Portuguese. In 1910 the local Chinese population of Macau, including the islands of Coloane and Taipa, climbed to 74,866. The population of the city itself numbered 66,499 - more than 17,120 living in their boats and 49,379 on land, of which 3,526 were Portuguese 139 • The less affluent Chinese used fishing, firecrackers, incense, and more, including some boat-building, as their economic resource. The very much smaller community of Portuguese residents, the Macaenses and European-born Portuguese alike, were in public service, the military or police force, served as merchants, or worked in professions such as law or medicine. A few were entrepreneurs with their own business (Nolasco, Rodrigues, etc.), and others had rich Chinese clients for whom they procured licenses and other government approvals. 137 Silva, Beatriz Basta da, Cronofogia da Hist6ria de Macau, Vol.4, 162. 138 Ibid., 300-305. 139 Ibid., 68. 104

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Many other changes came about in Macau following the turn of the nineteenth century. The Portuguese generation of the twentieth century appreciated even more that there was a special relationship between the Macau Portuguese and the local Chinese, a relationship unique to Macau and not shared even later by the Portuguese communities of Hong Kong and Shanghai. Ou-Mun Yan (people of Macau) was their bond, a peaceful and pleasant coexistence in everyday life. Above the buzz and bluster of spoken Cantonese in the busy streets of the city center and the nearby marketplace, one could occasionally hear a few words of Portuguese. The Chinese salespersons of Macau who had more contact with, and more "simpatia" (affinity and congeniality) with, the local Portuguese, were often pleased to say a few words in that foreign language. In the shops, for example, they were knowledgeable of Portuguese products and often went out of their way to be polite and please their customers. Their genial intent, seemingly different from the many English-speaking Chinese of Hong Kong, was more than just for business purposes; there was warmth in their attentiveness. As the educated population of Macau, both Chinese and Portuguese, became more aware of other cultures around the world, the relaxed and somewhat unhurried pace of everyday life was beginning to accelerate, with social interaction gradually knitting together the members of the post-war generation. The Chinese and the Portuguese maintained their symbiotic lives, and the local Portuguese, Macaenses, continued their tacit socioeconomic existence. However, some of the old barriers still existed within the Portuguese community there. Race and ethnicity were not the only divisions among the Portuguese in Macau; there was also an unspoken measure of class structure among the local Portuguese population. The Continental Portuguese were seen as a separate group, seemingly a class above the local Portuguese, but the soldiers and non-commissioned officers, ranked sergeants and below in that group classification, were looked down upon by the elite and upper social group of the Macaenses. As historian Ana Maria Amaro observed: Many Macaense women married military men, preferring those of higher rank, or well-educated civil servants even if they had Chinese antecedents or were forebears of other parts of Asia as they had acquired a superior social status. This will attest to the fact that the isolation of the Macaense could never have been of one of racial prejudice, but only that of ingrained social bias. 140 140 Amaro, Ana Maria, Fi/hos da Terra, 99. 105

Accepting that there was social and class discrimination, one also has to acknowledge that racial prejudice did indeed exist, though superficially, among the Macaenses. However, it was not as nineteenth-century author Bento da Fran<;a wrote, when he accused the Macaenses of having the preoccupation of showing themselves to always be superior to the Chinese, to the extent of treating them with contempt, yet it cannot be denied that the Macaenses have some Chinese habits and live a little in their style. With this we do not wish to imply that the families who have more contact with us [European born Portuguese] have not acquired some of the European way of living; no, this would be lacking in truth. Without hesitation, we would like to say that all, more or less, resent contact with those people, and that, the most underprivileged [Macaense] almost confuses their domestic way of life with that of the Chinese.141 People of different races, and with different customs and ways of life, cannot help but compare, even if only in their minds, their differences and seldom their similarities. However, there cannot be any justification for discrimination by the European toward the Chinese, or any other race outside of Europe. Both can recognize their differences without maintaining an attitude of superiority. 14 1 Fran~a, Bento da, Macau e Os Seus Habitantes, 198. 106

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA . , Porto Exterior 0 C_hin~~ Majority Population • · Por1ug~e.se Residents _ Di~tributio~ of Portuguese a~d Chin~e fl~sidential Area_s . Early 20th C~n~ury Aulonlo M. Jorge da Sil~:,, Distribution of Portuguese and Chinese Residential Areas of Macau In 1927, Macau had 157,175 inhabitants, the large majority of which (over 95 percent) were Chinese142• Though there was no imposed segregation, the Chinese majority, except for the very rich, lived in the inner part of the city away from the southeastern shoreline and adjoining hillsides. In cramped conditions, they occupied 142 Lessa, Almerindo, A Hist6ria e os Homens do Primeira Republica Democratica do Oriente, 155. 107

about half of the Macau peninsula, with the minority Macaense Portuguese living in the other half. The affluent Macaenses and a few rich Chinese lived along the hillsides and shoreline facing the bay of Praia Grande. Large villas were located on the hillsides overlooking the rocky southeastern shores of the outer harbor, and from Praia Grande all the way to the tip of the peninsula at the old fortress of Barra. Colonial baroque villas with large balconies, terraced gardens with vines and flowers cascading over tall granite walls, were the settings one has to imagine. The middle class and a few of the elite families lived near the center of the city, northwest of the hills of Sao Francisco and Guia, and to the streets just beyond the cemetery of Sao Miguel. 108

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Courtesy: Antonio Rofiz coffection Praia Grande 1968 109

Chacara Leitao Family Mansion circa 1905 Courtesy: Manuel F. Read Leitiio Family collection 110

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Vila Alegre 1921 Residence of Francisco Xavier da Silva Casa Branca 1917 Residence of Luiz Nolasco da Silva Courtesy: Fernando Menezes Ribeiro collection 111 ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA

Two- story Residences in the Center of the City 1973 Photograph by Antonio M. Jorge da Silva 1973 The villas and cobbled streets nestled on the hillsides were a world away from the Chinese-dominated commercial thoroughfares of the other parts of Macau. In these densely populated areas, the local Chinese and Macaenses gathered to shop and live their daily lives. The main thoroughfare, Avenida Almeida Ribeiro, was packed with shops, and on the narrow side streets both shops and stalls spilled onto the sidewalks. Three story buildings with living quarters above the shops dominated the areas between the square of Leal Senado and the streets along Porto Interior, the inner harbor. This different area where the Macaenses lived also reflected the social structure of the Macau Portuguese. The synergetic, yet inadvertent, social disparity among the Portuguese in Macau should therefore be put in perspective. The Macaense elite were the wealthy, the families "of position" in high government office, or professionals, most of whom obtained their degrees in Portugal or other European countries. Until the mid-twentieth century, few were educated in Britain or the United States of America. Among the Macaense elite were also those, as mentioned earlier, who were granted titles or descendants of nobility. The next social level of the Macaenses was that of the families and individuals of the middle class 112

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA who formed the greater majority of the local Portuguese population. Those below that level were barely recognized socially. Language, and the way one spoke, were also determining factors as to which strata of society one belonged. Other considerations must also be discussed. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the locally spoken language maquista, also known as patua, began to decline. More and more people began to use the standard Portuguese language that was then taught in the schools. The privileged and middle-class families soon spoke only continental Portuguese, with patua now spoken by the elderly and enjoyed in verse and theatrical skits. A class system, which already existed, was even more discriminating in regard to the way people spoke, and not just the positions they held or the wealth they possessed. There was also a status level among the Portuguese schools, with the children of the privileged families primarily attending the high-school Liceu Nacional de Macau, established in 1893, and located between the Catholic Cemetery of Sfio Miguel and the sports ground at the end of Rua do Campo in the center of the city. Esco/a Comercia/1 Santa Rosa de Lima and other Portuguese schools were attended by the majority of the Macaense community. Very few Chinese students attended Portuguese schools, except in Church-operated orphanages, and there were almost no Portuguese in Chinese schools; their children hardly ever played together. Most of the local Portuguese spoke the casual everyday Cantonese dialect, but almost none of the Chinese spoke Portuguese, except for the very few who worked in city government. It can be said then that in general, only through financial transactions of one kind or another did the two ethnic groups associate. This was not overt discrimination by either group, but a matter of custom and necessity. Practically, it was not necessary for the Chinese to speak Portuguese; however, it was necessary for the local born Portuguese to speak Chinese. One of the main reasons was that almost all the shops and small businesses in Macau were owned and operated by the Chinese, who from the middle of the nineteenth century comprised over ninety percent of the population. Therefore, to purchase almost anything, one had to communicate in the local Chinese dialect. 113

114

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 8 Macaenses in Hong Kong during World War II Soon after Hong Kong was ceded to the British in 1842 it became apparent that its defense was crucial. With a deep harbor and declaration as a free port, the new colony attracted merchants from across the world. Its emerging economic growth in an area beleaguered by pirates necessitated a firm defense force to protect its shores. Distressed by the reduction of British forces that were sent to support the Crimean War (1853-1856), a volunteer force was recruited in 1854 to bolster the defense of the colony. Of the original "ninety-nine" volunteers, there were eight Portuguese nationals among the mostly British recruits. 143 "The original 99 were joined by others keen to volunteer their services and the force soon stood at 127, of whom 92 were British, 16 Portuguese, and the remainder of European nationalities."144 Later named the Hong Kong Volunteer Corps, and during World War II the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps (HKVDC), many nationalized British Subjects from the local Portuguese community joined and fought under the British flag. As in the Shanghai Volunteer Corps (SVC), they had their own Portuguese Company, but in contrast, their Company flag in Hong Kong was British. However, the men were all identified as Portuguese. Much of what is written in this chapter was taken from The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong145, which goes into more detail about this moment in history. Political unrest in China dates back to the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895), the ensuing collapse of the Qing Dynasty and the foundation of the Chinese Republic in 1912 following the Xinhai Revolution. However, the fragmentation of the Republic's control led to the Chinese Warlord Era (1916-1928) and the formation of the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang or KMT) in 1911, then the Communist Party (CPC) in 1921. The Shanghai Massacre of April 1927, a violent suppression of the Communist 143 Bruce, Phillip, Second to None, 14-22. 144 Ibid., 22. 145 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong, 25-32 and also volume II, 27-44. 115

Party by the KMT, brought about the Chinese Civil War. In 1928 a conflict between the Kuomintan's Northern Expedition and the Imperial Japanese Army in Jinan was followed by the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931, then the bombing of Shanghai a year later. These were the first signs to the not too far away relatives of the Macaenses in Shanghai and even Japan that darker days were to come. In 1937 fighting erupted between the Japanese and the Chinese, forcing their population to take refuge wherever they could. The influx of refugees to Macau saw the American Red Cross sending food essentials and medical supplies for distribution as far as Chung-San, where seventeen thousand Chinese were facing epidemics and circumstances of the worst misery. The war in Europe, fighting between the Japanese and the Chinese forces, then the Tripartite Pact signed in 1940 between Germany Italy and Japan alerted the world that a world war was imminent. The silence of the early morning of Monday, December 8, 1941 was interrupted by the sound of airplanes flying low over Kowloon, which is across the harbor from the island of Hong Kong. Some fervent Catholics from the community were just walking back from daily morning mass in their parish churches in Kowloon. The sound of loud explosions that almost immediately followed the sound of roaring airplanes overhead shook them and sent many others to the streets to see what had happened. The Kai Tak Airport in Kowloon was being bombed by the Japanese. The Second Sino-Japanese War exploded into World War II following the bombing of Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. Hong Kong was attacked immediately thereafter. 116

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Japanese Attack Hong Kong, December 8-25, 1941 Source: The Industrial History of Hong Kong Group Japanese Capture Hong Kong, December 25, 1941 Courtesy: ThoughtCo. via Internet 117 ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA

The Hong Kong Garrison comprised of men and women from many walks of life and several nationalities including British, Canadians, Portuguese, Indians, and Chinese rushed into the defense of the colony. The total of regular servicemen and women of the army, navy and air force, plus HKVDC [Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps] and HKNVR [Hong Kong Royal Naval Volunteer Reserves] comes to a little over 12, 000. However, if the Hong Kong Police, Royal Naval Dockyard Police, the HKDDC [Hong Kong Dockyard Defence Corps] and civilians in employ of the services are included, the total is closer to 14,000.146 The Portuguese who were British Subjects, including others of Portuguese nationality and serving in the Corps, were among those who fought alongside the British, the Indian, and the Canadian units in defense of the British Colony. Unlike professional soldiers, the volunteers not only defended Hong Kong, but also their homes and their families. Tony Banham estimates the total force of the Imperial Japanese Army at about sixty thousand men, stating that perhaps only seven thousand were involved in the actual fighting. No. S Portuguese Machine Gun Company 1937 146 Banham, Tony, Not the Slightest Chance, 336. 118

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA No.6 Portuguese Light Anti-Aircraft Company 1940 The No. 5 Portuguese Machinegun Company defended the sea and land approaches to Mount Davis Fort at Pokfulam, also covering the Western approaches to Hong Kong Island and the harbour. The Portuguese No. 6 Light Anti-Aircraft Company was stationed along the north shore of the harbour from Taikoo Docks to the Vehicular Ferry in Central with one platoon in Aberdeen. Those who were in the 5th (Anti-Aircraft) Battery, stationed at Sai Wan Hill on the island, which was overrun by the Japanese, saw many gunners brutally killed by the Japanese troops after they had surrendered. One of the Reed brothers and Miguel Ozorio were among the victims of this terrible atrocity. Twenty-two Portuguese served in the Field Ambulance Corps and others in the HK Police Reserve that played an active part in maintaining law and order on the Colony. Portuguese women of the Hong Kong community also saw service with the Auxiliary Nursing Service (ANS) and helped staff St. Paul's Hospital on the Island, La Salle College Relief Hospital and the Maryknoll Convent School First Aid Post in Kowloon Tong. The civilians were generally in shock during the hostilities. Huddled in confusion and great anxiety, many Portuguese families remained in Kowloon. Some moved in with other families who had larger homes. By December 13, only five days after the initial attack, the Japanese overran the British defense in Kowloon, forcing them to retreat to Hong Kong Island . . . . those of us that remained in Kowloon after the British withdrawal from Kowloon had to fight off marauding armed gangs of looters and our 119

womenfolk who were very aware of the terrible atrocities committed by the Japanese troops on women in China especially in Nanking were absolutely terrified. After having been bombed and shelled by the invading Japanese we in Kowloon were now being shelled by the British from the Hong Kong lsland.147 Many Portuguese families who were on the island took refuge in Club Lusitano. During the battle, the ground floor of the club was used as the headquarters of the Portuguese No. 6 Light Anti-Aircraft Company of the HKVDC commanded by Captain Henrique "Darkie" Botelho. Several families slept on the floor of the library and the reading room on the floor above. According to Theresa Yvanovich da Luz, "the ballroom on the top floor where all the bathrooms were located, was considered too dangerous for families to stay in because of bombs dropped by the Japanese. When the air-raid siren sounded everyone on the top floor had to move down to the middle floor." 148 By December 17 all resistance in Kowloon had ceased.149 On December 18, after a demand for surrender had been rejected by the British, the Japanese launched a three-pronged attack on Hong Kong Island. The British in Hong Kong soon found that they had completely underestimated the Japanese as they did in Singapore. British troops fought valiantly but could not hold on, despite Winston Churchill urging them to do so. Regardless of British claims that Hong Kong was impregnable, another eight days of fierce fighting culminated in surrender to the Japanese on Christmas Day, December 25, 1941.150 The Portuguese lost twenty-six men in the defence of Hong Kong. Sadly, of these were four brothers from the Reed family: Francis (aged 28), Arthur (aged 33), Stephen (aged 32), and Edgar (aged 38). Several others died in the Shamshuipo Prisoner of War Camp and Sendai Camp in Japan. Private Manuel G. Prata HKVDC together with Lieutenant Joseph R. Haddock (HKRNVR) were arrested by the Japanese "Kempeitai"151 on July 1, 1943 in Argyle Camp as part of the British Army Aid Group cell operating in the camp. They were taken away and Manuel Prata died on 147 Correa, J. Bosco, Email to the author 8-18-2017. 148 Yvanovich da Luz, Theresa, interview with the author, Livermore, California, October 26, 2009. 149 Lindsay, Oliver, The Lasting Honour, 66-82. 150 Birch, Alan, and Martin Cole, Captive Christmas, 95-171. 151 Kempeitai: Japanese Military Police Force who acted more like the secret police and the German Gestapo. 120

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA September 14, 1943 under interrogation.152 His name is included on the BAAG's Roll of Honour, one of ninety-six, most of who were tortured to death.153 Those Portuguese of the HKVDC who were not killed in Hong Kong were taken prisoner and interned in camps in Shamshuipo and Stanley. After the British surrendered to the Japanese on 25 December 1941 the soldiers laid down their arms and were sent to Murray Barracks. A week after that the estimated 800 prisoners of the HKVDC were herded, shipped to Kowloon, and marched from the Star Ferry pier via Nathan Road to Shamshuipo Camp in Kowloon; of those there were 234 Portuguese. There they joined British and Allied troops who had arrived earlier. That was to be their world for the almost four years that followed.154 In doing research, one will find that both the number of prisoners and those sent to Japan differ from list to list in the documents researched, but only by two to three depending on the source. However, the confusing factor to historians is the nationality of the prisoners on the rosters and lists compiled by various sources. The Portuguese community members who served were listed in the Shamshuipo roster compiled by Ron Bridge155 as four different groups in the "Nationality" column. They were shown as Portuguese, Hong Kong Portuguese, British Eurasian, or British, and one is even a known member of the community listed as Russian. This is especially disconcerting when, for example, the three Pereira brothers listed with the same father's name and address were listed as one of each nationality group - Hong Kong Portuguese, Portuguese, and British. This may be how the men enlisted, but all were descendants of the Portuguese. Even when some died fighting as British Subjects under the British flag, and during their incarceration as prisoners of war by the Japanese during WWII, they were always identified as Portuguese. A Canadian prisoner interned in the Shamshuipo Camp in Hong Kong wrote a tribute to his Portuguese inmates who were part of the British forces defending Hong Kong - the Hong Kong Volunteer Defense Corps (HKVDC). The situation was not bleak all the time. The Japanese captors recognized that the morale of the prisoners had to be maintained to ensure peace and harmony existed 152 Banham, Tony, We Shall Suffer There, 136. 153 Ride, Edwin, BAAG: Hong Kong Resistance 1942-1945, 331. 154 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong, volume II, 37. 155 Bridge, Ron, Hong Kong Detachment POWs at Shamshuipo Camp. 121

within the camp. According to Luigi Ribeiro (one of the prisoners) open air band concerts by the combined brass bands of the various regiments lrredll~ i.~ d . plec1Eure-Tb i:ct ~ere ctt. m!l ~e, tnd pe_:1. d ldtle __e_i.ctui-e., OJ l~ fr i.endt.B Jvorlu9ue.se.. Tlte tc1sk ~~ould. be qLLi.te ect.5~ The~ knO\V t1ot ~o,v fo ~te, Tl\.eir ,vd~ dre rec1llB {ri.endlJJ Li.~ ll-t_ei.r m<-m!-1 Li.q_d't'q lrcti.ts. C) "' .,qezi jouQqt oq Ji.eld ~ bdtlle Sonte di.ed, but -q_ot- i.tt vd i.11_, For~ ~i.r beloved brelI-treq l(eet? i.rqtrtortctl llj_ei.r good n<:1111.v. tqd lt_ei-e be~i.i[d t~ ,vi.ret T~e~ 9reer ~ou wi.lq c1 strti.le-fi-0111 l.'1.cni. Bou ~t' ct Lee~of\. l{o,v to J1ce l~e ,vec1r~ ni_i.les . You cc1q q_ot ~elp but li.~ lftetl:"'-, T~el.l ~c:tVe .suc.q_ cl\.Utt).Itll\ \Vd!,IS T\tdt ~ lp to ed.Se ~our bur~n& t11.d bri.g,l-tteri. ctll d ull dc1E.s-A Page from the Souvenir of Shamshuipo by Marciano F. "Naneli" Baptista Courtesy: Filomena "Meno" Baptista in Shamshuipo were permitted after the first few months of captivity, Red Cross parcels first arrived at the camp toward the end of the first year, in November 1942, and musical variety shows put on by the Portuguese prisoners began in early 1943. "Necessity being the mother of inventions, wigs were made from string of rice sacks, 122

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA sexy evening dresses from mosquito nets. The stage scenes were conjured up by the extraordinary genius of improvisation, CSM Marciano 'Naneli' Baptista."156 Entrance to Coal Mine #2 Sendai In April 1942 the Japanese transferred the bulk of the officer corps from Shamshuipo to another camp at Argyle Street in Kowloon and in September, five months later, the first draft of those selected for slave labor in Japan departed the camp. There were to be five or six drafts, the second of which resulted in the tragic sinking of the Lisbon Maru by the US Navy in October 1942 where some 850 British POWs (Prisoners of War) lost their lives. Sixty-eight Portuguese prisoners were sent to the coalmines of Sendai in northeastern Japan. 156 Ribeiro, Luigi F. Vieira: The POW Memoirs of a Private and a Gentleman, Lusitano Bulletin, Volume 7, No. 2, Summer 1998. p. 26. 123

Portuguese Prisoners of War at Sendai POW Camp No. 2, Japan 1945 There they worked under difficult conditions for almost two and a half years in the Sendai coal mines. Cicero Rosario who was sent to Sendai in the fourth draft in 1944 recalls that "the Sendai prisoners were informed of the Japanese surrender, two days after the actual surrender. Photographs of the group were taken by a Japanese mine operative before they were transported out of the camp on August 30, 1945."157 157 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong, volume II, 42. 124

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 9 Refugees in Macau 1941-45 After the fall of Hong Kong, men, women and children of Portuguese ancestry who held British papers and were not members of the HKVDC had to find a way to escape certain incarceration. Francisco P. de V. Soares, who was left in charge of the Portuguese consulate in Hong Kong during the Japanese occupation, should be remembered for assisting in the exodus of the Hong Kong Portuguese community to Macau. He acted contrary to Portuguese law when he permitted hundreds of Portuguese living in Hong Kong who were then British Subjects to register in the consulate as Portuguese nationals. This prevented about six hundred people from being taken prisoner and sent to concentration camps, permitting them to be evacuated to Macau as refugees. 158 With a maximum of two suitcases per person permitted, about one thousand Portuguese lined up on a wooden pier and waited to be herded like cattle into the first of two small ferry boats, which was to carry them forty miles across the mouth of the Pearl River to their haven. Those who remained behind and stayed in Hong Kong for the duration of the War were afraid to leave their homes unprotected from looters and sought news of their loved ones in camp. Except for those imprisoned in the camps, the Portuguese population of Hong Kong, like their counterparts of Portuguese nationality in Shanghai, were considered "Third Nationals" and neutral, and were able to move around the city so long as they carried their passes. There was no way of earning a living in Hong Kong as all assets were frozen or could only be converted to worthless Japanese currency. Though being Third Nationals and civilians of countries not at war with Japan, they were still harassed by the Japanese Kempeitai. In 1943 the Kempeitai began to round up members of the Portuguese Residents' Association (PRA) and senior members of the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, taking them to the prison in Stanley for interrogation under torture. They were accused of conspiring with British intelligence (British Army Aid Group, also known as BAAG). In reality the Portuguese Residents' Association was established in the months following the Japanese Occupation, primarily to assist in the distribution of bread, rice, and sugar 158 Forjaz, Jorge, Famflias Macaenses, vol. 111, 829. 125

supplied by the Japanese to the Portuguese community. Members of the Portuguese Residents' Association were not the only ones singled out by the Japanese Kempeitai. Senior Portuguese members of the HSBC were also arrested. Many of these civilians, who were suspected of working for British Intelligence, were brutally tortured, and two were beheaded by the Japanese. In the early months of 1942, the Governor of Macau, Gabriel Teixeira, welcomed the refugees from Hong Kong with open arms to the cramped quarters of Macau. The fate of war brought many Portuguese families back to their roots, the home of their forefathers. Macau, the home of our ancestors, our haven for many pleasurable holidays in the past, now our sanctuary from harm. Like a loving mother, always there with a warm and ensuring embrace, she waits to comfort her frightened children ... The sons and daughters of Macau were to be reunited for the last time in the history of the Macaense people as a result of the horrors and indignity of war. Their suffering, great loss of life and property, were, in the historical sense, preparing them for their future exodus from their ancestral shores. Most were soon to be separated and "fostered" to a world they had only heard of. First, they had to endure the purgatory of near starvation, isolation, and for many, the eternal peace of death. Through all this, the majority survived. Portugal did her best with the little she had, for her children. This, they must never forget.159 The population of Macau rose dramatically in the years of Japanese occupation. Before the War, Macau had only a small population. Following the Japanese attacks on Shanghai in 1937 and Guangzhou in 1938, "this increased to 150,000 by December 1941. Soon after the first few months of the war (February to March 1942) it reached 500,000."160 The increase in numbers included Chinese nationals fleeing from the mainland adjoining Macau and others of Portuguese descent from Shanghai, Guangzhou, and other parts of China. Macau was surrounded by war and the tragedies of war. Though unharmed and unoccupied by the Japanese, the city was 159 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., Lusitano Bulletin, San Francisco, vol. II, no .1, March 15 and no. 2, July 15, 1993, from personal interviews with Nidia Silva, Edriz d'Aquino de Carvalho and Dr. Danilo Barreiros. 160 Silva, Beatriz Basta da, Cronologia da Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 4, 323; Teixeira, Fr. Manuel: Macau Durante a Guerra, B.I.L.C. NQ 1 and 2, 33-49. 126

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA lethargically suspended in time. Only the pang of hunger was felt, but the European population did not starve as did many of the unfortunate Chinese. The Macau Government generously provided for all the refugees who wished to accept food and lodging. Each Portuguese refugee received thirty Macau patacas161 per month from the Portuguese Government. We left everything behind and were only able to bring one hundred Hong Kong dollars each between my husband and myself as we fled the colony. In Macau, the merchants would only exchange that for ten percent of its value - giving us 20 patacas in exchange for HK$200. The cost of food had soared 500%. Two pounds of pork, a scarce commodity, cost over 200 patacas, a pair of rubber-soled shoes, 35 patacas - over the one-month allowance from the Government. The shortage of food, let alone the price, changed our diet. We learned from the Chinese how to cook with rice, vegetables and very little meat (and only when available). Whatever gravy we were able to concoct in addition became our food for survival.162 In the relative peace and tranquility of Macau during the Japanese occupation, they knew nothing of what those in Hong Kong were going through. Living in poverty, and despite some assistance from the Portuguese Government in Macau, they were, however, safe and out of harm's way. Those who had husbands and sons in POW camps received a subsidy from the British Government through the British consul, John Pownall Reeves, who was stationed there.163 Reeves did all he could to alleviate the plight of the many Portuguese refugees who were also British Subjects. As well as distributing the pitifully small subsidy, he hired many of the younger men as armed guards. The refugees were housed in several "centers" that could accommodate the large numbers that arrived: Families were allocated different centers. Teatro Dom Pedro V, Escola "Luso Chinesa", Gremio Militar, Hospital Sao Rafael, Arma<_;:ao (the familia Remedios), 161 Pata ca: name taken from Pata<;ao, an ancient Portuguese copper coin. Basic monetary unit of Macau first introduced as 'a unit of account' in 1894, but only issued as legal tender in 1906. Abbreviated as MOP$. 162 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., Refugiados da Segundo Guerra. Lusitano Bulletin, vol. 2, bk. 2, 1993. 163 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong (first volume), 33. 127

Canidromo, llha Verde, Bairro Tamagnini Barbosa and others were converted to house the Portuguese refugees. Several families, including ours, were sent to the Bela Vista Hotel, overlooking the water beyond Praia Grande. Here we were to make our homes, not knowing our future or that of our children.164 The population of the schools soared, with the number of students almost doubling. Food was scarce and had to be rationed. The majority of the Portuguese refugees "had to adopt Chinese food as the basis of their daily meal, with rice and vegetables as the mainstay of their food source."165 There was little to do to pass the time. The refugees visited each other in their Centres and the youth walked everywhere, as Macau was only about three miles wide and four miles long, from the southern tip to the barrier gate (Portas do Cereo) in the north. Those who escaped Hong Kong could only bring what they could carry in two suitcases. Those poor souls fled with what they had, and just did not have the funds to purchase clothing to conform to local customs in Macau. The shorter skirt and sleeveless dresses the women from Hong Kong wore to church on Sundays were frowned upon, and they had to cover their heads with a veil during church services. That was the norm in Macau, but the new arrivals did not have the funds to purchase clothing to conform to local customs, and many resented being told how to dress and what to do. At the time, the younger generation of Hong Kong had more liberty and social freedom, and were less formal than their counterparts in Macau. Though many of the more conservative Macau families befriended those from Hong Kong, their underlying differences were apparent. Few from Hong Kong spoke Portuguese, though many Macau residents spoke some English. The residents of Macau lived in a tiered society even before the refugees arrived. In general, the elite socialized among themselves, whereas the middle class who did interact with the elite were to some extent dissociated and socialized among themselves. Aside from familial ties, it should not be surprising that the sudden influx of Portuguese refugees from Hong Kong and Shanghai were also distanced not only by language but by the different way they lived in their "outside" communities. There was an air of sensitivity in the "Portugueseness" of the Macau people as opposed to the presumed air of superiority assumed by some Hong Kong Portuguese who had elected to give up their Portuguese nationality to become British subjects. It has been said by some that they had an attitude that was perceived by their Macau 164 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., Lusitano Bulletin, vol. II, no .2, July 15, 1993 165 Luz, Theresa Yvanovich da, Interview with the author 1996. 128

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA counterparts as arrogant. Not because being a British national was better than being Portuguese, but because in Hong Kong they had jobs that paid better, which some perceived superior to their Macau compatriots. From their perspective, a less global "we-they" emotion, similar to that expressed by Benedict Anderson, existed. This latent resentment had now become a matter of concern, and one that had to be dealt with as it began to affect the relationship between Macau's Portuguese residents and the refugees from Hong Kong. What seemed to exist in the four years of cramped isolation in Macau never materialized after the war ended. On 16 January 1945, like a crescendo before the conclusion, three bombs were dropped on the Macau Naval Aviation Center by US Admiral Halsey's squadron from "Taskforce 38", destroying an oil deposit tank and an aircraft hangar housing the Macau Maritime Museum in Porto Exterior, and killing five people. 166 In another attack, the fort of Dona Maria was also damaged. A few months later, on August 14, 1945, the War in the Pacific ended, the refugees went home and Macau was able to breathe again. A special mass was celebrated at Macau's Se Cathdral "giving thanks for the preservation of Macau and for being able to give refuge to so many brothers and sisters persecuted [by the war]."167 166 Basta da Silva, Beatriz, Cronologia da Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 4, 329 167 Ibid, 332. 129

130

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 10 Global Diaspora of the Macaenses The Portuguese refugees who were in Macau returned to Hong Kong to pick up the pieces of their lives. The colony lay in ruins, but the British and the European businesses opened their doors once more. After having gone through war, imprisonment, hunger, and almost four years lingering as refugees, they returned to their own world outside of Macau once again as second-class citizens in an imperial colonial world. But they had jobs to return to; they felt safe again and returned to their sedate way of life. Macau too saw relief from its overcrowded environment, returning from a densely populated refugee center that more than tripled within two years of the war. Soon after the War the population of Macau returned to almost that of 1927. After the refugees returned to Hong Kong at the end of the war the population of the Macau-Portuguese returned to normal. The official census of Macau shows that there were 187,772 inhabitants in 1950, of which 183,105 were Chinese, 4,066 Portuguese, 122 Indians, 82 Italians, 75 British, 43 Germans and 43 Filipinos.168 Following World War II and the repatriation of the refugees, many young men and women from Macau moved to Hong Kong to seek employment. This can be seen as the first step toward the actual diaspora of the Macaense people. A steppingstone and a mere trickle at first, young men and women of Macau, assisted by their compatriots from Hong Kong who had taken refuge in that city, gradually found work, particularly as clerical staff in the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank. More followed as other commercial organizations reopened in the British colony. Unbeknownst to them at the time, this was a temporary status, and they had no idea what the future would bring. 168 Silva, Beatriz, Baste da, Cronologia da Hist6ria de Macau, Seculo XX, vol. 5, 17. 131

Other than the young men and women who went to Hong Kong for employment, many families from Macau began to leave to find a better life in western countries as early as the end of 1946. World War II had just ended and the reverberation of the civil war in China that resumed made many uneasy and apprehensive of its outcome. As such, the actual diaspora began to take form. Most Macau families emigrated to Portugal and some to Brazil. Given that their main language and all of their education was Portuguese, they naturally elected to migrate to Portuguese-speaking countries. Those of the younger generation with a better command of English, looking only for employment, moved across to Hong Kong as stated above, but it was a matter of time before they too would leave. Surviving centuries of economic change, those who remained behind in Macau were to continue their everyday lives as their ancestors had done. Acknowledging their first emigration from Macau to Hong Kong over a century before, some thought that the departure of families and friends to Portugal and elsewhere was just another happenstance. But what the immigrants found away from Chinese shores, and the only life they knew, was a world most could not have imagined, a change to which they had to adapt. Those who remained in Macau were about to see their quiet, almost dormant, city awakened to the rudimentary beginnings of commercialism that would overshadow this historic landmark. Turbulent times in China quickly sent many Chinese to Hong Kong, creating a housing shortage. Even those who few who flocked to the safety of the British colony lived in what were called "squatter" areas, in huts they put together with corrugated metal sheets and whatever plywood or other material they could scavenge. A percentage of the housing shortage spilled over into Macau, but not so the squatters. However, the character of old Macau was about to change. In the years to come, the old houses and some of the mansions were demolished and replaced, without regard for architecture or its impact on the character of the city as a whole. The relative scale between buildings and within city blocks varied to the point of disarray, with taller and larger buildings eventually masking even the recognizable landmarks of the city. This took several decades, but the change was inevitable; the era of British and Portuguese colonialism was about to end. As the Portuguese left, the Chinese more than replaced them in numbers. Beyond the walls of Porta do Cereo and the hills of Kowloon, the internal struggle for the modernization of China had begun. The Portuguese community in Shanghai was the first to experience the repercussions. The collapse of Republic of China between 1947 and 1949 was rapid and total. Its military collapse was accompanied by an economic and financial collapse that was equally stunning. Inflation, already serious, turned into hyper-132

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA inflation, an extreme form of inflation in which currency could lose up to half its value in a single day ... 169 The occupation of Shanghai in 1949 forced European firms to close again; without work, about a thousand members of the Portuguese community had no alternative but to leave as refugees to Hong Kong and Macau. Unemployment and the distress suffered during World War II once again convinced the Portuguese community it was time to leave their homes, and Shanghai itself, forever. Their exodus began, and by the mid-1950s, those who had not departed were forced to do so by the communists, leaving all their belongings behind. Macau was once again flooded with refugees, though some found temporary haven in Hong Kong. The Portuguese Government of Macau embraced over two thousand Shanghai Portuguese refugees who took shelter in three refugee camps between 1949 and the mid-1950s, some staying until the late-1960s. Confused by the disruption of their way of life, most waited as a few were given the opportunity to find a new beginning elsewhere, anywhere, but away from the turbulent environment they had just experienced. Having lost everything, men and women who had jobs and a comfortable way of life now languished listlessly, waiting, just waiting ... Living in near poverty, with no jobs, and drained of self-respect and dignity, they lingered on until they could, with the assistance of the Catholic Relief Services, finally emigrate to the United States, Brazil, Canada, Australia, and a few even to Sweden. The bishop wanted to try me out and sent me to work with the refugees in the camp for one year. There was a lot of goodwill there and I liked that job very much. I said my first Mass as a priest in the provisional chapel in the long doghouse building. Later I became the representative of the American-sponsored Catholic Relief Services, whose Far East base was in Hong Kong. Through the Refugee Relief Act of 1953 and its revision in the 1960s, the help of the American Consulate in Hong Kong, sponsors from the U.S.A and the assistance from the Catholic Relief Services we were able to arrange for many to emigrate to the United States. 170 The conflict between the Nationalists and Communists in China, having now impacted the Portuguese community in Shanghai, was very distressing even to those who lived in Hong Kong and were not directly affected. However, they did not have to stretch their imagination to sense that their lives in Asia might soon be in peril and 169 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., The Portuguese Community in Shanghai, 98. 17° Fr. Lancelote Rodrigues, interview with the author, Macau, December 1, 2010. 133

again disrupted. Their world was shattered by the war which had just ended, and by a new China that was about to resurrect itself as a nation free of foreign intervention. The limped communities of the former colonialist world were about to be eradicated. It was time for them to leave. The oldest colonial community on the China coast was to end its tenure and just dissipate to wherever the members could find a new home, a new life, in a world unknown to them. The beginning of the actual diaspora of the Portuguese in China was at hand. A sure sign came with the 1956 Riots that rocked the Hong Kong Portuguese community into realizing the uncertainties that lay ahead. October 10, 1956 was the forty-fifth anniversary of the demise of the Ch'ing Dynasty, which was felled by the October Revolution in 1911. This Double Tenth (the tenth day of the tenth month) was an important Nationalist Chinese celebration, and their flags flew proudly on many buildings of those supporting the Nationalist regime. When an officer of a resettlement block ordered the removal of all flags, protests soon grew into mobs that looted and attacked shops and property belonging to Communist sympathizers. A full-scale riot developed from this small incident, causing riot squads from the police and British military personnel to be brought out in force. Some local entrepreneur sent out scores of people to sell little Nationalist flags in the streets of Kowloon and Hong Kong, bringing about some reported incidents and attacks on those who would not purchase them. The most horrifying scene involved the Swiss Consul's wife, who was traveling in a taxi when it was set on fire by the mob, burning her to death. Both rioters and police were killed in this, the first startling incident since the Japanese invasion - all still vividly in the minds of the local residents who lived through those daunting days. This set the stage for the final exodus of Portuguese families from the shores of China. The majority had "no reason to stay and no country to return to,"171 so inadvertently they waited. "No reason to stay" because opportunities for their future and that of their children were obviously limited by the regulations and attitude of a British colonial system, which was changing, but not soon enough. With transportation by air quickly becoming affordable, the outside world offered a new sphere of opportunity. They had lived for centuries on Chinese soil, yet they were not Chinese, nor could they be assimilated into the populace of China. And those who changed their national status to British Subjects knew Britain was not their country either. They literally had no "country" to remain in or return to. For the English-speaking 171 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., Diaspora Macaense to California, 10. 134

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA community, their loyalty and pride of patria persisted, but only as "descendants of the Portuguese." Only for those who had Portuguese citizenship could Portugal be termed "their country", and one they could "go to" - not "return to", as it was a Moe Patria neither they nor many of their ancestors had ever even seen. For the Macaenses who knew only of their insular existence in a colonial world ". . . a fundamental change was taking place in modes of apprehending the world, which, for more than anything else, made it possible to 'think' the nation."172 This form of "imagined nationalism" came from the long-term association of "everything Portuguese" in terms of colonial government, the spread of Catholicism, the evolution of a pidgin lingua franca to Patua they used in the community and a constant reference to Moe Patria. For the other Macaenses, though some held Portuguese passports, Portugal was not officially their country, and their travel documents did not automatically give them the right to citizenship. Distressed by what might lie ahead for Hong Kong and Macau, coupled with newly discovered opportunities in other countries, many considered leaving the only home and way of life they had ever known. Although there were many other underlying factors that precipitated their decision to leave following the riots, many Hong Kong Portuguese residents rushed to the US Consulate to apply for visas to enter the United States under its "preference quota" system. Some found it easier to apply for emigration to Canada, Australia, or Brazil, as the process and wait for approval of American immigration visas could take up to several years. By then their compatriots from Shanghai had already applied for and secured approvals to emigrate to the United States as refugees under the China Quota of the Refugee Relief Act. Being refugees gave them a preference, an advantage over their compatriots. "China born non-Chinese, which included Portuguese, came under the China 'white' quota limited to only 200 visas per year. My brother and I came under this restrictive classification."173 This was the first wave to leave Hong Kong in anxiety after the riots, yet one must not discount their vision nor that of the others who left for the sole reason to seek opportunities abroad. Many families from Macau emigrated to Portugal after the War for this same reason. For the majority, there was little choice as to where they could go, according to Frederic "Jim" Silva, who emigrated with his family to San Francisco: For the Hong Kong Portuguese who left the Far East to settle in other countries it was a different tale. For them it was a matter of choice rather than 172 Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities, 22. 173 Correa, J. Bosco, letter to the author, November 15, 2008. 135

necessity. Most Hong Kong Portuguese had to make a conscious decision on what would be the best long term interests for themselves and their families. There would probably be more who would be willing to leave if they were given a choice as to where they could settle. Since 1965, there have been new immigration regulations and quotas which tend to restrict immigration of Hong Kong born persons into the United States. Before 1965, regulations were on a racial basis and Hong Kong Portuguese qualified under a liberal European quota. Since then, the quota is non-racial but based instead on a person's place of birth with every country given an overall quota. Quotas for Colonies like Hong Kong are based on a small percentage of the mother country's used allotment ... China born persons now stand a better chance of migrating than the Hong Kong born.174 Changes in the immigration and visa regulations of the United States of America opened the door to the Portuguese and others born in Asia. The United States Congress passed the Immigration and Nationality Services Act of 1965, abolishing the national-origin quotas system that had been in place in the United States since the Immigration Act of 1924, which completely excluded immigrants from Asia. Those who could get visas to the USA set off mainly to California, as did those who had left earlier. Those who went to Australia settled in Sydney, Brisbane, Melbourne, and Adelaide, with smaller numbers going to Perth, Canberra, Hobart, and the other capital cities; in Canada it was Vancouver or Toronto; and in Brazil, Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. It was not surprising that many families from Macau went to Portugal and settled in and around Lisbon. Emigration to England was limited, but some went there also. Regardless of whether they left by choice or were influenced by the uncertainties of the riots, the diaspora had by now begun in earnest! Families who were either still willing to stay, unsure of what to do and when, or who procrastinated, were soon prompted by yet another crisis in Hong Kong, which started as only a protest in response to the raising of ferry fares in April 1966 by the Star Ferry Co., Ltd. This incident soon led to spontaneous demonstrations known as the "Star Ferry Riot" or the "Elsie Elliot Riot."175 Coincidently, by the end of that year, the Macau 1-2-3 riots, 174 Silva, Frederic A. "Jim", "All our Yesterdays ... ," 50. 175 Elsie Elliot, a member of the Hong Kong Urban Council, created a petition against the fare increase. 136

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA which had no bearing on the Star Ferry protests, spilled over to merge with the events that had taken place in Hong Kong in the months before. Labor disputes and protesting workers inspired by local Red Guards turned extremely violent in April 1967, compelling the Hong Kong Government in early May to call out riot police and eventually the military to confront them. Leftist demonstrators roamed the streets chanting and waving their little red books. Looting, arson, and violence that erupted a few weeks later caused the imposition of curfews. Bombs were planted and the riots continued, on and off, into July of that year. The bomb threats finally subsided in October. The 1967 Riots and the events leading up to them convinced even the most steadfast members of the Portuguese community that it was time to leave. The second and final wave of Portuguese diaspora from Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Macau, the "Diaspora Macaense", was under way. By the early 1970s, the majority had departed, via Hong Kong, for the many countries of the Western World that would accept them. Between that time and the middle of the 1980s, many of those who remained after the two initial waves of emigration also left. The diaspora of the Portuguese who had settled in Macau, then later in Hong Kong, Shanghai and the treaty ports, was to end the just under 450 years of cultural and ethnic evolution of the descendants of European settlers in China. A few still make their home in Macau and Hong Kong, which will remain their "heung-h6," their place of birth, for the rest of their lives. The once isolated Portuguese communities in Macau, Hong Kong and Shanghai are in essence no more, but their history in those very small territories in China will not be forgotten. The hearts and minds of many Portuguese who left China will always remain there. The association with their customs, their food, and the memories of their kinship with many friends are almost a lifetime away. Their "Chineseness" will always be with them, as will the memories of their terra-natal (land of birth). They brought with them the knowledge of a second language, learned from the Chinese a discipline in academics, wisdom in negotiation, patience to act when the time is right, and the dignity to respect the right to be. Nevertheless, there were those who did not leave Hong Kong or Macau. Like their forefathers they believed that opportunities in Hong Kong and Macau were as good as anywhere in the world, and in the years after the handover the economies of both cities have more than supported their prediction. Those that remained in Macau and Hong Kong after the handover of both cities adjusted to the changes and sustained their way of life, without any concern about the change of government. However, the 137

trepidations of those who emigrated to other countries of the western world, eventually emerged in the form of their question of identity and, for some, the issue of nationality. 138

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 11 Identity Redefined after the Diaspora Identity is defined as a qualification of likeness, sameness, and the condition of being a specific person or thing. It is also a set of behavioral or personal characteristics by which an individual is recognizable as a member of a group. Who then determines this identity? It is embodied in how you perceive yourself, what others say or think you are like, and how you recognize your own "self" as different from "others." This applies to the aspects of superiority and inferiority experienced by the Macaenses before emigration. Particularly in Hong Kong at the time, it was also expressed in the way the nationals of different communities distinguished one another. Looking European or white does not suggest that one is superior to Asians or any other races or colors, yet historically, in many if not most societies, the fairer-skinned female, for example, was preferred to those that were darker, but this was not necessarily so for the male population. From North Africa to China and Japan, fairer skin women were often looked upon as desirable and superior to the extent that goddesses were usually depicted of fair complexion. The world, and particularly Western Europe and the Americas, was quickly becoming racially and ethnically mixed. In David E. Mungello's view, "the full implications of racial superiority and inferiority would develop only gradually reaching the peak in the West during the high point of European imperialism in the late nineteenth century." 176 Many Europeans are of different shades of white, and some are actually not so white anymore. Cultural and religious differences are often more pronounced, yet these distinctions tend not to be immediately apparent. But in the Western world, skin color remains a difference people recognize most clearly. However, now that colonialism has ended, the focus on skin color has diminished somewhat for the new generations, but to those who experienced that form of discrimination, its shadow will never pass. The colonial lifestyle the Macaenses were used to changed completely in the countries to which they immigrated, and where they are now among the minority ethnic groups. It should be pointed out that most of those from Macau emigrated to 176 Mungello, D. E., The Great Encounter of China and the West, 133. 139

Portugal and Brazil, where Portuguese was the spoken language and discrimination, as such, was minimal, if it existed at all. On the other hand, those from Hong Kong and Shanghai who emigrated to other western countries, though well received, had a different experience. There, in a very diverse environment, their Portuguese identity was correlated to the European Portuguese living in America, Australia, and Canada, but their difference was evident. Their physical appearance, fusion cuisine, linguistic background, education, and the diverse customs to which many adapted and adopted in the Far East set them apart. Considering the circumstances from the point of view of those who immigrated to California, one can appreciate some of the situations they encountered. The lifestyle within their communities, before immigration, was nothing like those from Continental Portugal, Madeira, the Azores, and even the Cape Verde Islands. However, their divergent culture from a common ground was a bond both groups recognized, yet apart from the ancestral ties among the two groups, they had little else in common. The immigrants from the Azores, for example, were originally agriculturists, with little education, and lived a simple life. "In Portugal, formal education beyond the barest minimum (and for some this meant none at all) was reserved for the clergy and the small middle and upper classes. The peasants saw scant relationship between tilling the land and the ability to read and write ... " 177 After living in America for generations, however, they have emerged as well-respected and educated citizens, maintaining the customs and traditions of their forefathers. The Macaenses who emigrated from the shores of China were all educated men and women who had experienced life in the business world before they moved. A generation or two later, they too have settled into the framework of the diverse communities of California, just as other Macaenses have done in the countries in which they now live and call their home. The Azoreans, like the Macaenses, emigrated out of necessity: the former from the consequences of seismic/volcanic activity and economic strife, the latter to escape the changing and unsettling situation in the decades following WWII, but both for economic improvement and a better life. Beginning well over a century before the Macaenses, the Portuguese from the Continent and Atlantic islands crossed the Atlantic Ocean, first to New England, then to other states and particularly California. Thus, there developed throughout the Portuguese islands a system of clandestine emigration. . .. By this time [1853] on many American whalers 177 Warrin, Donald, and Geoffrey L. Gomes, Land, as Jar as the Eye Can See, 18. 140

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA over half the crew were made up of Azoreans. Emigrants often departed on their own at a very young age, in their early teens or younger. In the first years of the Gold Rush hundreds of Portuguese whalemen left their vessels or distant parts of residence and headed for California. 178 They arrived at different times and under different circumstances. The Azoreans were among the pioneers of the West, searching for gold. They later became sheepherders, dairy farmers, and landowners. The Macaenses, on the other hand, never did a day of physical labor in their lives, and they were satisfied to be employed, to send their children to school, and to settle in the land of opportunity. In the 1950s and 60s, when the diaspora was at its peak, very few in the countries they emigrated to had ever heard of Macanese or Macaenses. Not until their departure from Chinese shores and their immigration into western countries was the term "Macanese" used. "Macaonese" used by historian Charles Boxer, and Macaenses used by several other historians, including the author of this book, were not common terms. The Azoreans in California, where the largest group of Macaenses settled, only knew of Macau as a Portuguese colony in China; few had ever heard of Portuguese communities in China outside of Macau. The initial immigrants to California from Hong Kong and Shanghai, who introduced themselves as Portuguese to the Azoreans from large communities in one of those cities, must have surprised them. 178 Ibid., 10-18. 141

Initially the Macaenses who immigrated to San Francisco lived in contiguity, but as the suburbs became more accessible and affordable, they ventured to live in single-family homes. It was this, the "American Dream," that initiated the change in their lifestyle. Living away from their familiar community clusters, an initial sense of insecurity and need for cultural consociation came about for some. They were now not within walking distance or a simple bus-ride away from friends and family. Many were now living among people of different races, religions, and cultures. "Living among" now meant more than living side-by-side in the same city, as they did in China; in their new environment they shared equal rights despite their differences. However, they felt isolated, and many experienced a lack of identity. They were often asked, "Where are you from?" Their "Portugueseness" seemed to be in question, possibly suggesting an introspection about their own ethnicity. Prior to the diaspora, no one asked where they were from; within their communities in China, they were either Macau-Portuguese, Hong Kong-Portuguese, or Shanghai-Portuguese. Few members of the Portuguese community in Hong Kong and Shanghai before the diaspora identified themselves socially as Macaense or Macanese; they were always proud to be identified as Portuguese. More and more, however, in their new country of residence they now identify themselves and their communities as Macanese, 142

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Macaense, Fi/hos de Macau, Filo-Macau, Filo-Macs, or FMs. Before that, self-identity as a Macaense or Fi/hos da Terra was almost entirely in written text and by those who were born in Macau and living there. Are those born of Macaense parents in the countries to which their parents immigrated still considered Macaenses? In reality they are "descendants of the Macaenses," though some from the generations born outside of their communities in China still consider themselves Macaenses. The majority, however, identify themselves as the nationals of the countries in which they were born, having now melded into the national identity of those countries to which their parents and grandparents emigrated and in which they attained citizenship. Macaense can be the ethnic group to which their ancestors belonged, however, their claim to racial lineage should refer not only to the Portuguese but in many cases to a mixture, which could include Chinese and/or some other racial group into which their parents married. Soon, except for the families who have chosen to remain in China, it will not matter anymore as immigrants blend into the multiracial groups of other countries. However, there are some in the community who have a different point of view: The Encontros 179 and the interaction thru the Internet, nowadays broke all the boundaries of traditional understanding about Macaenses. Old are the days when we were confined to this tiny little enclave. The Diaspora brought up new issues and a different vision on how we should see ourselves a Community beyond frontiers. "Who are we?" is still the most basic question that haunts us, which seeks an answer. The old criteria that we already know thru the works of others, might have worked at the time when they were thought [contemplated], and they might be [have been] valid then. However, nowadays they are challenged, not only in the Diaspora, but also within Macau ... If we strip off all those traditional criteria, at least one seems to be still valid: no matter how remote you are from Macau or distant from your roots, you can't call yourself a Macaense if you don't have a minimum reference to Macau. I'm not referring to a legal status that binds us to our homeland. It's a sense of belonging (Sentido de perten~a) - "[feeling of] attachment" as you 179 Encontro: Gatherings of the worldwide Macasense community held in Macau almost every three years since 1993, sponsored by the Macau Government at first and the RAEM or MSAR Government after the 1999 handover of Macau to China. 143

prefer - not only to a city, but also to a cultural space made of traditions, interaction, life experiences, family bonds, stories, memories, either retained by those who lived thru them or conveyed to next generations. A sense that makes us nostalgic when we allude to Macau.180 Though recognizing the mixture with Chinese and other Asian races the above statement makes clear that some members of that Macaense community who are living in Macau, following the handover of the former Portuguese colony to China, are concerned with their future identity and the politics of the region. The following are points of view the local Macau press pointed out with respect to the discussions in the meetings of the Associm;fio dos Macaenses (ADM) held in Macau on October 18 and 31, 2012: As to the Macanese identity however, for the ADM president [Miguel Senna Fernandes], the basic question as to who belongs to the community can only be answered emotionally: "Nobody knows. You feel it." Nevertheless, he points out two criteria that are important for him: One is "the attachment to the land. It can be passed by the parents, the person doesn't need to be born here." But "a lot of empathy arises through the language." The second one is "a certain sense of 'Portugueseness' ." This doesn't necessarily mean having Portuguese nationality though. During the session dedicated to identity, emphasis was given more on the Portuguese language, which some of the participants believed to be vanishing. "In many Macanese families Chinese is becoming more dominant where it used to be Portuguese ... Portuguese is a patrimonial legacy that we have to preserve."181 Though what he said is essentially correct, an "attachment to the land" and "feeling a certain sense of Portugueseness" is not a sufficient definition of the descendants of the Portuguese who lived for over four centuries in isolation in Macau. Macaense or Macanese, depending on which interpretation is used, both have undeniably included antecedents with no Portuguese blood, but who have melded into their community, and/or those who later married into the community, thus acquiring at least some Portuguese genes. Though many in the vanishing community of the diaspora prefer to be universally identified as having "at least some Portuguese blood," historically that has not always been the case, for the reasons stated above. 180 Miguel Senna Fernandes, letter to the author, November 10, 2014. 181 Macau Daily Times, October 18 and 31, 2012. 144

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA However, over time the descendants of non-Portuguese origin did intermarry with those of Portuguese descent, "bringing them into the fold, so to speak. Miguel Senna Fernandes points out that there is a "third element" of Macaense identity that he considers obvious: ... a sense of belonging to a Community. You can't call yourself a Macaense if you're isolated from Macaense Community. There are no titles, ID cards, passports, physical signs nor any other tangible characteristics that address that you are a Macaense. What tells you what you are? The answer is in the Community in a variety of forms that can exteriorize [convey] itself. It gives you another dimension on your identity, a recognition of what you are.182 These are changing times, and it is true that old definitions have been supplanted; however, in writing the history of a people who were effectively the Portuguese in China, one should use the "old criteria" to demarcate their actuality. Definitions aside, the reality within the Macaense community worldwide, some sixty to seventy years after the diaspora, is that their perception of who the Macaense are (the majority of the English-speaking group using the term Macanese) is still divided. As each generation passes, the concern of "having at least some Portuguese blood" diminishes. The new generations, whose parents emigrated to countries outside China, are not personally part of that definition, for they are "descendants of the Macaenses" as stated earlier. The definition will soon be relevant only in the historical context. Hopefully the rich culture inherited from their parents and ancestors will survive the test of time and their history will be remembered. Knowing the history behind the many centuries their ancestors spent in China, identifying who they were, and having a record of their lineage will prove valuable to future generations. As descendants of the Portuguese who epitomized resilience, possessing the perseverance needed to abate the tensions during the evolution of European trade in China, and who endured the severe economic decline following the colonization of Hong Kong, they have much to be proud of. The endurance of the Macaenses over the centuries, and their ambition to betterment, though often repressed, gave them the mental capacity and the will to succeed. 182 Ibid. 145

146

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 12 Transformation of Macau 1960 to 2020 Courage, endurance and adaptation, tributes attributed to the Macaense people, are also true of Macau itself. In the aftermath of the Second World War, and in the midst of political unrest during the Cultural Revolution that followed, this small Portuguese settlement in China took its first steps toward modernization and a new commercial future. In the early 1950s the reclaimed piece of land between Rua da Praia Grande, the Fort of Sao Francisco and the bay lay dormant. However, in tiny Macau nothing goes to waste. A large piece of flat reclaimed land near the center of the city compelled commercial use. In the summer, the entrepreneurial Chinese set up many booths, colorful during the day and brightly lit in the evenings, attracting residents, Portuguese and Chinese alike, to the combination of funfair, bazaar, and food stalls. Along the sandy-clay aisles between the booths, crowds would wander to play prize-awarding games, purchase fragrant soaps and household gadgets, and enjoy the delicious cuisine of the street vendors. This went on for a few years, as did the tall bamboo-framed Pai Lau183 during Chinese New Year that straddled Avenida Almeida Ribeiro at the end of the square near the post office. By the mid-1960s, as photographs show, construction on the once empty land had begun, including a 7-story apartment building. Who knew prior to the 1960s that part of that reclaimed land was destined to be the building site for the city's first modern casino-hotel, the antecedent of modern Macau, that would bring back the prosperity of its golden years? 183 Pai Lau: Cantonese meaning a large bamboo framed straw faced structure usually erected across a roadway during a major Chinese Festival or to celebrate the New Year. 147

Macau Casino Site at Porto Exterior Reclamation 1967 Courtesy: Eric Cumin Associates Antonio M. Jorge da Silva collection In 1961, gambling rights were transferred from the Tai Hing Company, which had held the monopoly since 1934, to the Sociedade de Turismo e Diversoes de Macau (STDM), formed the year after. Soon plans for the construction of the first "modern" casino in Southeast Asia were to change "sleepy Macau". The construction site for the casino was the large piece of reclaimed land beyond the end of Rua da Praia Grande that terminated at the statue of Governor Amaral, and which was not occupied in the late 1940s. Plans for the building were soon after on the drawing boards of Eric Cumine Associates, based in Hong Kong. The author, who is also an architect, was part of that team. By the beginning of 1966 construction had begun in earnest. As all this was taking place, the Cultural Revolution in China, which had little to no physical impact on Macau at the time was in motion, but this was all soon to change. 148

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Macau Casino-Hotel Rendering by Lawrence Wright 1965 Courtesy Eric Cumine Associates Antonio M. Jorge da Silva collection ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA In mid-1966, beyond the borders of Macau small groups of young men and women from all over the country were marching to Beijing to participate in massive Red Guard rallies. On December 3 of that same year, unfortunate circumstances in Macau initiated the tumultuous events that are popularly known as the "1-2-3 incident". Communist sympathizers in Macau protested against police action that had been taken against the construction of a Maoist school without a permit. Chinese sympathizers, fueled by Chairman Mao Zedong's Cultural Revolution and the enthusiasm of the Red Guard Movement's march that was taking place throughout China at the time, raised their little red books of "Mao's Thoughts" in support. In anger, they first stormed the Governor's Palace, and then the central square in front of Leal Senado, the meeting place of the Macau Senate. They destroyed the statue of Colonel Vicente Nicolau de Mesquita, Macau's hero of Passaleao184 and looted the Senate library, tossing the books out of the window then setting them on fire. The 184 Montalto de Jesus, Historic Macau, 343-45. 149

statue of Mesquita, a hero held in the highest esteem by the Macaenses, had commanded the central square of the city and was toppled by the Chinese rioters. This infuriated the Portuguese, leading to the declaration of martial law in the city during which several Chinese residents were killed. Senado Square circa 1950s Statue of Coronel Nicolau Mesquita in the foreground, Santa Casa de Miseric6rdia to the right. Unknown Photographer Rioting in the city and later violence almost tore the amicable ties between the local Chinese and the Portuguese residents. For the first time the Portuguese community felt a discord with the people with whom they had lived amicably for centuries. The Chinese population, particularly the old-timers, must have felt the same distress during the subsequent violence. As in centuries past, with negotiations between the Portuguese and Chinese and the payment of penalties and compensation, the crisis was eventually resolved. Meanwhile, there was much anxiety in the city, and there was also much at stake on the part of the investors in the growth and potential of incipient Macau. Though the rioting spilled to neighboring Hong Kong a few months later, Macau eventually regained stability with only some minor incidents that 150

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA followed. What was important was that the seed for transformation had been planted and the time was right for the momentum to regenerate. The inauguration of the Lisboa Casino-Hotel in 1970 set the base for the future of Macau; from that moment, the city began to change rapidly. As more tall buildings were built and scattered over the landscape, more traffic appeared on the roads, and an increasing number of people crowded the streets, so the ambient atmosphere of the city intensified. There was a growing feeling of urgency, as a faster pace of pedestrian and automotive traffic began to cram the once flowing, albeit crowded, streets of the downtown shopping areas. Major retail companies began to introduce new businesses to Macau. More continental Portuguese, attracted by the increasing traffic and expanding commerce, soon introduced fine restaurants and other facilities to the city. There were now more jobs for the local population, and modern Macau was beginning to grow economically. Macau's export earnings doubled between 1965 and 1970, and the number of tourists now numbered 150,000.185 The isthmus between the islands of Taipa and Coloane was completed in 1969, but it was not until 1974 that the Macau-Taipa Bridge was completed, linking Macau to the two islands beyond; one could now drive from the city to Taipa and then Coloane. Travel to China by tour bus was made possible in late 1979 through Porta do Cereo (barrier gate) to nearby Zhuhai and Zhongshan, or a three-day trip from Macau to Canton then arriving in Hong Kong. Travel from Hong Kong to Macau in 1987 was an approximately one-hour trip by hydrofoil and jetfoil, compared to the ferryboat that in previous years took about four hours. In addition to gambling, Macau featured other attractions in the mid-1980s: there was greyhound racing at the Canidrome, horse harness racing in Taipa, Jai-Alai (Pelota) in Porto Exterior (outer harbor) and the world-renowned annual Grand Prix for Formula Ill cars and motorcycles, which began in 1954 as a sports car event. Macau was now a tourist destination, and a center of attraction like no other in Southeast Asia ... and this was just the beginning. In this second half of the twentieth-century, Macau deliberated the dissolution of Portuguese sovereignty on Chinese soil. In effect, this meant that Macau's "Portugueseness" in the minds of most Macaenses was to come to an end, as the flag of Portugal, which had flown over this city for centuries, would soon cease to be. Negotiations beginning in 1984 for the handover of Hong Kong precipitated the same 185 Silva, Beatriz Basto da, Cronologia da Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 5, 100. 151

for Macau. Once, set in motion, the Portuguese residents of both colonies knew their way of life would soon be over. With all the demolition and new construction in Macau beginning to obscure the beauty of the historical city they fondly remembered, they saw no turning back. Macau was preparing for the end of its existence as a piece of Portugal on an outcrop of Chinese land. As the time of the handover of Macau to China drew near, Macaenses living in Macau began to sense the loss of their homeland. There is much to remember and to love in the way of life they left behind and the culture that many still hold dear. This lament published in the 1992 Lusitano Bulletin reflects the feeling of the community at large: As the curtains draw to a close the final chapter of the proud history of this little slip of Portugal in eastern shores, the orphaned have only their "Saudades" to hold in comfort. They wait in anguish knowing that soon the church bells will peel the last goodbye to their ancestral home ... Though in distant lands, fond memories of yesteryear will forever live with us. Our children, unless we make them aware, will never know the legacy left to them. The spirit of our people, the food we eat, the stories and unusual nicknames we hear of so often - these are part of our soul. .. Through four hundred and forty-two years since the establishment of Macau to the final lowering of the Portuguese flag, the descendants of the Portuguese from this remote outpost in China, most of who are now scattered throughout the world, remain proud of their heritage.186 Almost ten years before the handover of Macau to China, Jose dos Santos Ferreira, known by his friends as Ade, who has written many poems and short plays in maquista, wrote this poem of goodbye to his beloved birthplace. Adios di Macau Macau ta perto fa/a adios Pa tudo su filo-filo, Pa Portugal Pa gente qui devera quere pa ele. Quim tem ele na corm;am, Logo sen ti grandi margura; 186 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., Lusitano Bulletin, vol. 1, bk.3, 1992, 2. 152

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Voz 16 fica engasgado na garganta Na ora di fa/a adios pa Macau. Ah! Divera saiam, nosso Macau! Qui doi cora~am o/6 VOS tem-qui vai, Escapulf di nosso vida, Vivo separado di nosso Portugal. 187 Goodbye Macau Macau it is soon time to say goodbye For all your children, For Portugal For all people that really love you. Those who have you in their heart Will soon feel great sorrow Your voice will choke in your throat In the hour when you say goodbye to Macau Oh! A real pity, our Macau! ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA What pain the heart will feel to see you have to go To leave our lives, To live separated from our Portugal.188 In December 1999, among colorful fireworks and amidst sorrowful tears, Macau was handed over to China, becoming Regifio Administrativa Especial de Macau (RAEM), the Macau Special Administrative Region (MSAR), a new designation which would last for fifty years. 187 Ferreira, Jose dos Santos, Doci Papiaram di Macau; part of poem written in maquista, 27. 188 Ibid. Author's English translation. 153

Macau looking west from Monte Fort 1988 Sporadic high-rises towering over central Macau Photograph by Antonia M. Jorge da Silva The handover of Macau to the People's Republic of China on 20 December 1999, and the establishment of the MSAR, has completely transformed this city into one of the most dynamic and prosperous places in the world. Driven by gambling, tourism, industry and foreign investment, Macau has grown exponentially. Macau's land area has grown from 23.8 sq. km in 1999 to 32.9 sq. km in 2019, an increase of 38.2 % in 20 years. The economy has also soared, with the World Bank showing Macau's GDP per capita in 1999 at US$6.4 billion, rising sharply to US$50.3 billion in 2017. The city's population too climbed, from 418,600 in 1999 to about 641,000 in 2019, of which 88.8% were Chinese, 1.8% Macaense/Portuguese, 4.6% Filipino, 2.4% Vietnamese, and 2.8% Other.189 When compared to the population mix in 1950, just before the Macaense families began to emigrate to Portugal, Brazil and other countries, one can see little change in ratio, but given the growth factor, the change translates to an increase from 4,066 Macaense/Portuguese in Macau in 1950 to 11,588 in 2018. This is a substantial increase indeed, but still cannot compare to the large Chinese population. The question is, how many are Portuguese from the Portuguese mainland, and how many are Macaense descendants of the Portuguese from Macau? 189 UN World Population Prospects (2019 Revision) 154

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Those who remained behind intermarried more and more with the Chinese, thereby increasing their numbers. Some have returned from Portugal and other countries, attracted by the availability of jobs, and joined by a substantial number of continental Portuguese for the same reason. Other than territorial, economic and population growth, Macau has seen significant development in infrastructure with a new international airport inaugurated in 1995, the new Sai Van Bridge completed in 2004 and the creation of the famed Cotai Strip. Before the handover, Taipa and adjacent Coloane were only connected by a narrow causeway. The massive Cotai land reclamation, completed in 2006, completely linked the two islands to create a single landmass. The Cotai Strip, now with major hotels and casinos resembling the Las Vegas strip, greatly added to Macau's economic growth, propelling Macau's gaming revenues to seven times that of Las Vegas in 2014. '1•~•" l • lf'rutkl••I Mr-port Aerial View of Macau 2015 Courtesy: Gabinete da Comunicarao Social do Governo da RAEM 155

CHINA ,--' I ~ ~ CHINA Taipa Cotai - ___ .,~ ,, ., , .,,,-,_, ,, Coloane [=i Location of the Larger Casinos Macau - Taipa-Cotai-Coloane 2018 Macau, Taipa-Cotai-Coloane Casino Locations 156 An16nio M. Jorge da Silva

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA A new Macau has emerged. High-rise buildings now dominate the city, and the Las Vegas style casinos and hotels have brought that fantasy land and prosperity to the shores of China, attracting millions of dollars and millions of people. Today the Cotai Strip is a magnet, just as the Canton Fair, accessible only via Macau before the eighteenth century, must have been in the centuries before, when money enticed visitors, and strangers summoned their right to participate. The growth in the economy has also benefited the education of the population. Following the handover in 1999, the Macau SAR government has mandated compulsory education, with three years of kindergarten, and five each for primary and secondary school, offering free education at 65 of 77 schools. With the support of the MSAR Government, the University of Macau, founded in 1981, and which initially had 2,800 full-time students, is now internationally recognized; in 2014, after the relocation to the university's new campus to Hengqin Island, the student population has risen to over 10,000. Macau's population data recorded in 2019, together with the influx of tourists, makes Macau one of the most densely populated cities in the world. The once "sleepy Macau" is now bustling and crowded with towering buildings, grand casinos and luxury hotels in the city center. Gone are the three-story residential buildings along the side streets of the city center, as even those buildings have at least tripled in height. Prominent edifices like the Guia Lighthouse, once a dominant image of Macau, are now merely tinted specs on the panorama of the vitalized city. With all of these changes, the Macau-born Portuguese community has also transformed, slowly evolving away from their Portuguese roots. For them it is of no concern, as in time, as was in the past, circumstances and evolution will gu ide their path to the futu re. As the Macaense communities around the world slowly fade away, those now in Macau and Hong Kong remain, where in time their genetic link to the Portuguese will diminish as the region merges b ack to its primeval origins. 157

Macau at Night circa 2016 Courtesy: Lee Heang Leong (lnstituto Internacional de Macau, o Legado Cultural de Macau, 88) 158

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA CHAPTER 13 In Conclusion Since the handover of the Portuguese colony historians are writing more about the Chinese of Macau, including those who have migrated there and stayed for a determined number of years. In the sixteenth century, the Portuguese sowed the seeds that would germinate in the sparsely populated peninsula of "Haojing" (Oyster Mirror), where there were only a few migrant fishermen from nearby Fujian (Fukien) Province, to become the catalyst for trade between East and West. It was the industrious Chinese from Guangdong who joined the Fukienese and the Tanka fisherfolk to give support and life to the "Macau Roads," Ou-Mun Kai. Together they endured the economic decline of Macau after the dissolution of the Japan Trade, the assault of the Dutch, and British imperialism which festered the instability that culminated in the Opium War and furthered the economic stagnation of Macau. It was only decades after World War II that Macau began slowly revitalizing. But times had changed, and a Portuguese colony in China was not only outdated, but its raison d'etre ceased to be. As more Chinese entered, the Macaenses began to leave. The western-oriented regime and its unique history had run its course. However, the Macaenses have established their place in history. They have the right to be recorded and identified in history books as the descendants of the Portuguese who were born, or whose ancestors were born, in Macau, and who are blood-descendants of the Portuguese, to differentiate, but not to deny, those of non-Portuguese descent. Their pride in a country most of them have never seen, their Portugal, a country they could never call home, is now superseded by all those countries that have accepted them, and which their children and grandchildren can really call home. Yet to many Macaense immigrants from Chinese shores, the moe patria (motherland) in their hearts will always be Portugal. There is much to remember and love in the way of life they left behind and the culture they still hold dear. 159

Casas de Macau, Macaense social clubs, have been established in the major countries to which they emigrated. In Australia, Brazil, Canada, Portugal, and the United States, those of the older generation try their best to hold on to their cultural identity, but the response of the young in general is less than enthusiastic, though some do show interest. The functions at these clubs throughout the years keep the candle lit, and the unique cuisine of the community retains its enthusiasm. Gatherings of the worldwide community held in Macau almost every two years since 1993, sponsored by the Macau Government at first, and then the MSAR Government after the handover, have given the youth of the community a chance to visit the homeland of their ancestors. Enthusiastically attended by the expatriate members of the diaspora from the many countries to which they dispersed, these Encontros (reunions), which could be seen as a "gathering of the clans" or "homecoming," brought both cheers and tears to the aging members of the worldwide community. Macaenses who now live in many countries of the western world remember the environment and lifestyle they left behind, embracing the memory of their "heung-ha," for the rest of their lives. Living among and in harmony with other multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-cultural communities, they continue to retain their identity and inculcate in their children and grandchildren the values they were taught. Though some still recollect the discrimination of British colonialism they had to endure, their lives now afford them the opportunity to be respectful of the race, culture and religion of their neighbors. Racism has never been associated with the Fi/hos de Macau or their descendants. They recognized their difference from the Chinese but there was never any hatred or discrimination, though they did not mingle socially until the early twentieth century. Most children of those who left Macau, Hong Kong, and Shanghai, and who were born in the United States, Canada, Australia, Portugal, Brazil, and other countries to which their parents immigrated, have now grown to have children of their own. They are not Macaenses but descendants of the Macaenses, and live very different lives with a different mindset from those who lived in the Far East. Though some are still influenced by the Macaense culture (especially their cuisine), they now think, feel, and are a part of the country in which they were born. Their education and lifestyle now have almost nothing to do with that of their parents and grandparents, who have also changed to be more and more a part of the societies and communities in which they live. Yet when one mentions Minchi or other Macau food, most not only know their taste but anxiously await the meal. Though a few still intermarry within the Macaense community, most have married outside. To a very large extent they now 160

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA live in a freethinking and open society. They travel much more than their grandparents ever thought possible. Will they also take the time to gather information of their genealogy and the details of their ancestral history? Will those that were born in China remember the nursery rhymes and lullabies their great-grandmothers sang to them or their children in Portuguese, or even Chinese, several generations ago? With the memory of their Portuguese ancestry vanishing even faster, the genetic imprint in the background of their minds may puzzle or surprise them one day - perhaps in a moment of deja vu. One might forget the sound of the church bells in Macau, but who can forget the scrap-metal monger carrying two wide rattan baskets dangled from each end of a thick and long bamboo pole slung over his shoulders, ringing a repeated single note on a metal disk with rod-hammer attached: Ting-ting, ting-ting ... This bare-foot man, known in Macau as the Ting-ting Jou (Ting-ting man), in black shorts and white singlet, would then follow with a loud melodic chant asking for damaged (unwanted scrap) bronze/brass/copper or other metal items: Yau mou /an-tung/ /an-teet? These almost poetic words and sounds should, as any verse in maqufsta patois, be recorded as part of the history of not only the place, but the sounds people once heard, and that will never be heard again. They echo "old Macau" in a time that was, and that brings to mind the symbiosis of two distinctly different cultures that lived together in relative harmony and with mutual respect. The emotional attachment of those who lived in China can never be passed on; being a Macaense cannot be passed on, but their culture can and should be preserved. Macau and the Macaenses should not be a footnote in history. This, their testimony, will endure in the pages of history. 161

Children of Macau 1937 Children of Hong Kong 1938 162

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA The new generation in San Francisco, 2008 Courtesy: Antonio M. Jorge da Silva collection 163 ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA

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THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA APPENDIX 1 The Nationality Issue Nationality for the Macaenses of the diaspora is no longer an issue as they have become an integral part of the countries to which they immigrated. The question of Portuguese nationality first surfaced after the local Portuguese from Macau crossed over to work and settle in Hong Kong after the Opium War, as discussed in a previous chapter. Some of the Portuguese in Hong Kong became British subjects, and those who retained their Portuguese status were registered in the Portuguese consulate. Those in Shanghai and the Treaty Ports did not have that option and remained Portuguese; likewise, they were registered in the consulate. Their problem came following their exodus from Shanghai after the Communist took over that city in 1949, and the Portuguese were forced to leave in 1950. The Portuguese Consulate closed and transferred all registration files to the consulate in Hong Kong. It had been suggested in later years that some of their documents were lost in the shuffle. Leaving Shanghai at the time, most had their Portuguese passports in order and in their personal possession, not realizing that a passport would be but a travel document in later years. They were convinced that their nationality, written in the passport as Portuguese, was sufficient to prove their national identity - after all, they were also registered in the Portuguese Consulate. A decade or so after the diaspora, their disillusion, their right to continue their claim to Portuguese nationality, entered the scene. The status of some Macaenses as to Portuguese citizenship, though registered in their consulates outside of Macau and holding Portuguese passports, and for generations identifying themselves as Portuguese, came into question during and following the diaspora. Macaenses born in Hong Kong, Shanghai, and the Treaty Ports in China who were Portuguese passport-holders would face a new problem when their documents expired. Those born in Macau, then a Portuguese territory, and most of whom were Portuguese citizens able to prove their identity, were not affected. 165

Portuguese Law 2098 of 1959 maintained the mixed system of the 1867 Civil Code, but with more emphasis on birth on Portuguese soil affecting those Macaenses born in Shanghai and Hong Kong which were not Portuguese Territories. Preceding the fall of Goa in December 1961, Portuguese law was based on the 1959 principle of Jus Soli (Latin - right by soil), 190 the right of nationality and citizenship by being born on Portuguese soil. The Decree Law 308-A/75 of 24 June 1974 following the decolonization of Portuguese territories in Africa, the new government began to change Portuguese nationality law. By 1981, Jus Sanguinis (Latin - right by blood), the right of nationality and citizenship by blood relationship191, was written into law. Immigration to Portugal, particularly illegal immigration, increased significantly in the 1990s, leading to the first amendment of the 1981 Act by Law 25/94 of 19 August 1994. What concerned the government in 1994 was how to stem the growing number of immigrants who were acquiring Portuguese citizenship ... The aim of the new amendment was to make it more difficult for foreigners to obtain citizenship at birth (via ius [sic] so/i) and after birth (particularly through marriage or naturalization).192 This Act also recognized dual citizenship without jeopardizing those who had acquired citizenship of another country as many Portuguese did before, but only as long as they could prove their Portuguese consanguineous descent. This change in the law still made it necessary for children born outside of Portuguese soil to a Portuguese mother or father, unless they are children of Portuguese Civil Servants (Article 1, No.lb) who automatically acquired citizenship, but are not already registered as Portuguese nationals, to submit an application for Portuguese nationality. A further change in the Nationality Law (Law No. 9/2015) extended Portuguese nationality to foreign-born grandchildren of Portuguese nationals who comply with the articles stated in the new law. The 1981 Jus Sanguinis law meant that those Macaenses who went to renew their passports when they expired were denied renewal unless they could prove they were Portuguese "by blood" and apply for citizenship. For some this was not easy as the Macau baptismal records that were in existence, and not destroyed by fire, termites, or decay, were transferred from Macau to Portugal. The search and processing 190 Portuguese Nationality Act - Law No. 2098/1959. 191 Portuguese Nationality Act - Law No. 37 /1981. 192 Pic;:arra, Nuno and Ana Rita Gil, EUDO Citizenship Observatory, 10. 166

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA necessary, even if the documents could be found, was costly, and for those who tried took years to resolve. A written appeal to resolve the nationality status of Macaenses who held Portuguese passports, and who were identified in writing in those documents as Portuguese but denied citizenship, was to be presented to the President of Portugal, Dr. Mario Soares, at the closing ceremonies of the First Encontro of the Macaense Communities in November 1993. Unfortunately, and to the disappointment of the presidents of all the Casas de Macau worldwide who signed the document, it was reported that Dr. Mario Soares had to change his schedule the day before and did not attend the closing ceremonies. Eventually, as inferred by Comendador Sales in a letter to the author, the issue was partially resolved as they were able to join their compatriots to settle in other countries and now have a country to which their children and future generations can pledge their allegiance. Comendador Sales stated: ... it was agreed that there would be restitution of their passports to be followed by the eventual issue of the identity cards after suitable processing. This has given great satisfaction to the people here who were put in the unfortunate situation of "apatridas" [being detached]; indeed, a few were prevented from travelling because of being deprived of their passports.193 The passports were issued, but the matter of citizenship lingered. Several people have applied since, but only a few have succeeded. Naturalization, and the subsequent issuance of travel documents, had taken place before the turn of the twentieth century, but their issue, even for humanitarian reasons during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong, was contrary to Portuguese law. The illegal sale of passports a couple of decades later was much resented by members of the community, especially by those who could not legally renew their documents. This is not to say that Portuguese passports were not legally issued to the Chinese in Macau. It is a matter of record that in June 1867, "Royal Decree No. 98, published in Macau's bulletin No. 34, declared as Portuguese citizens the children of Chinese who were naturalized Portuguese."194 Naturalized Chinese from Macau 193 Letter to the author from Comendador Sales dated October 27, 1993. The complete letter and more information are in the Lusitano Bulletin, vol. 2, bk.4, 3.; the author was then the Editor. 194 Silva, Beatriz Basto da, Cronologia da Hist6ria de Macau, vol. 3, 218. 167

traveled to Bangkok in 1899 using Portuguese passports and were accepted as subjects of the Portuguese Crown.195 Also a fact is that in post-WWII Macau, Hong Kong, and Shanghai, Portuguese passports were illegally issued (some sold) to other nationals, many of whom were without empathy for the Portuguese. In 1999, 25 percent of the population in Macao, about 107,000 people most of them ethnic Chinese, held Portuguese passports, and up to 200,000 could be eligible for Portuguese nationality (Hook & Neves, 202, pp. 118-119). Having a Portuguese passport and nationality, however, does not translate into allegiance towards the Portuguese state or identification as a Portuguese citizen. Instead, these people would identify themselves as "Macau people" or, in larger ethnic concepts, as "Chinese." This "ethnic approach" explains that in the 2006 Macao Population By-Census, 93.9 per cent of the resident population was identified as of Chinese nationality, 2 per cent of Filipino nationality and only 1. 7 per cent of Portuguese nationality (Statistics and Census Service, 2007).196 As such, it is undeniable that many Chinese born in Macau were legally issued Portuguese passports, but this does not make them Macaenses. Not that they claim to be, but some may argue that they can thus nullify the argument that by definition all Macaenses must necessarily "be a descendant with Portuguese blood." However, it reinforces the necessity to differentiate, even if for historical purposes, those naturalized or baptized and integrated, from those entitled genetically by descent, as discussed in an earlier chapter. Following the handover of Macau in 1999, the residents of Macau, including Macaenses, experienced the new rules of the Macau SAR Government's policy of integration with Mainland China. The question of national status, identity both personal and in consociation, the political and economic structure, all part of the restructuring policy for a "new Macau", is beyond the scope of this book. However, those descendants of the Portuguese who remained behind will continue to be a part of the Macaense community and its history. This, of course, includes those Macaenses who have taken or will take Chinese nationality, married into their community, together with their children and descendants after them. It is necessary therefore to deliberate their position and status under the SAR government. 195 Ibid., 366. 196 Kaeding, "The Evolution of Macao's Identity," 146. 168

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA The Basic Law of the new government stipulates that Macau-born Portuguese residents of both Chinese and Portuguese extraction have the choice of their own free will to choose between retaining their Portuguese citizenship or becoming Chinese citizens. If a Macaense previously held a Portuguese passport and chose Chinese citizenship, the passport can still be used as a travel document, but as such they will have given up their Portuguese citizenship and Portuguese consular protection when they are in China. China does not recognize dual nationality. All local Chinese residents who hold Portuguese passports according to the laws of the Macau SAR shall remain citizens of China but can use the passports to travel. There is no East-West melting pot in China as such, but there is and has been in Macau. How will their ethnic difference and that of their children fit in? Both the Chinese and the Portuguese did maintain their ethnic differences for centuries, living in harmony, and should continue to do so under the government of the Macau SAR. Dr. Lam Wai-man of the University of Hong Kong expresses in an article that the "primary goal" of the Macau SAR "after reunification should be national integration." It is encouraging to read that in Dr. Lam's view the "building of a stand-alone national identity is not the prime task", and that "multiple identity components are deliberately incorporated and promoted": ... the new Macau government consciously strengthens the coloniality inherent in the original identity and encourages people to take pride in their colonial past. The colonial legacy in the old identity has not been repressed as in other postcolonial regimes ... Rather, the new government has cultivated a hybrid identity, including local national and international identities, believing that these can advance not only nation building but also the economic goals beneficial to governance. 197 As stated in earlier chapters, the population of Macau was then and is now predominantly Chinese, even more so since Portuguese control ceased. By the time the Portuguese left, only about 2 per cent of Macao's 450,000 people spoke Portuguese, with the other 98 per cent speaking Cantonese and other languages. The colonial government was remote from the Chinese population, and the Chinese and Portuguese communities in Macau were relatively distant from each other. Before the handover, a colonial identity 197 Lam, "Promoting Hybridity: The Politics of the New Identity," 657-59. 169

was seen as "the other" in the "self" understanding of most of the Macau people.198 The inclusive policy of the new government in seeking to integrate the hybrid population has succeeded in promoting pride of identity, creating "a sense of belonging," a local identity for the people of Macau. In a comparative study of Taiwan, Hong Kong and Okinawa conducted by POP [Public Opinion Programme at the University of Hong Kong] between 2005, Macao respondents were asked if they identify as Macao people, Chinese people, or Macao/Chinese people, 33.7 per cent of respondents consider themselves as Chinese, 13.0 per cent as "Macao people" and 47.8 percent as a combined identity of "Chinese/Macao people."199 Though the percentage of people identifying themselves purely as "Macao (Macau) people" is relatively low, the higher percentage of "Chinese/Macao (Macau) people" shows both national pride and local identity. For personal reasons, several Macaenses in Macau chose to adopt Chinese nationality following the handover. Having lived in China for generations gives them a sense of belonging, and though there may be ethnic differences, the Macaenses are very familiar with the customs and culture of the Chinese. Many speak Cantonese, and a few even speak Putonghua (standard Chinese) fluently. It is not uncommon for some families to speak Cantonese at home instead of Portuguese, as their parents and grandparents did. Adopting Chinese nationality, for those who intend to continue to live in Macau and bring up their families there, has many advantages over retaining their Portuguese status, especially in the long term as Macau will be an integral part of China's Guangdong Province in 2049. In general, this has not affected their status, socially or otherwise, within their community and with those who retained their Portuguese nationality. The Macaense community in Hong Kong too will continue during the years of transition under the SAR governments, with each in the near future becoming an integral part of the People's Republic of China, Hong Kong in 2047. China's growing economy will certainly impart more prosperity to both cities, encouraging some children and grandchildren of the diaspora to seek employment there. The declining economy in Portugal at the beginning of the twenty-first century, for example, has already prompted several groups of young men and women to seek 198 Ibid., 662. 199 Kaeding, "The Evolution of Macao's Identity," 152-53. 170

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA work in Macau. With work visas, others from Australia, Canada, and the USA relocated to Hong Kong as well. Together with those who remained behind, the newcomers form part of a social structure that has moved completely away from the colonial days of their ancestors. Club Lusitano is still active in Hong Kong, but it is no longer the Portuguese men-only organization of yesteryear. Nationality is no longer a factor that governs employee promotion in the workplace; even in social circles, it has little bearing. Wealth and access to the influential, particularly in this unique theatre, is everything. Those Macaenses remaining in Macau will continue to be "Macau people," Ou-Mun Yan, and Ji/hos da terra or t'ou sang (local or native born), and in time the Potou-nga (Portuguese) aspect of those who became or will become Chinese nationals will recede into the background. 171

172

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA APPENDIX 2 Macaense Cuisine The cuisine of Macau that we know today did not evolve in isolation in that small Portuguese settlement on the coast of southern China, but was brought in by female slaves from Africa, women from Goa, the Nyonyas200 of Malacca, the kimono-clad women of Japan, and the local Chinese women, some of whom were Muitsais. 201 Macaense cuisine, like the people of Macau, initiated from Portuguese origins then mixed with Asian cuisine, including its spices and methods of cooking. First from Africa to India, then Malacca to Macau, their cuisine followed the path of the Portuguese discoverers from West to East. The women who accompanied the Portuguese men to Macau were the initiators of a fusion cuisine in this settlement, but the fare itself was almost always based on Portuguese cookery, conveyed from their male Portuguese companions .... With them came their cooking utensils, their food, and the pidgin Portuguese they spoke. The Goans brought their "Catholic" -influenced Hindu dishes whilst the Nhonhas, the Malay women from Malacca, brought with them the earlier versions of dishes like Porco Balichiio Tamarindo com Arroz Carregado, Bredo raba-raba, Sopo de Lacassa, Bagi, and Ladu. Nhonhas or Paranakan Chinese (Straits-born Chinese), descendants of early Chinese migrants who settled in Penang, Malacca, Indonesia, and Singapore who inter-married with local Malays. Their cuisine probably had the greatest influence on the food of early Macau. In Macau, they eventually added local ingredients and produce available to them. As local Chinese ingredients entered into the picture it was inevitable that their cooking style and utensils entered the Macaense kitchen and their cuisine followed suit. These women 200 Nyonya or Nhonha in maqufsta (patu6) - plural in maqufsta is Nhonhonha: young woman, single or married. Term also used in Malacca to mean young women of Chinese ethnicity, with Nyonya food meaning food of Chinese origin. 201 Muitsai: young Chinese bondservant, usually female, hired or enslaved from childhood for domestic service usually for an indefinite term. 173

from diverse ethnic groups became, over the years, the mothers of the Macaense, the female antecedents of the Portuguese settlers of Macau. 202 As the Chinese integrated into the Macaense community, so their cuisine assimilated into the already diverse fare that was evolving. The dominance of the Chinese population in Macau, and the availability of their produce and ingredients, eventually brought pure Chinese dishes into the evening meals on the tables of the Macaenses. Soy sauce and peanut oil became the primary ingredients of many recipes, replacing salt and olive oil, Chinese sausage supplanted Portuguese chourifo, and rice became the staple of almost every dish, replacing potatoes and bread. The diaspora of the Macaense people following World War II sent them to many countries of the Western world. With them, as in the case of the womenfolk who immigrated to Macau in its early years, went their customs and cuisine. Using the recipes written prior to their dispersion, they had to adapt not only to the availability of ingredients available but to the sizes of items such as eggs and other produce in the supermarkets. What was originally 20 eggs in a recipe had to be changed to 10 or 12. A head of cabbage in California can be almost twice the size of that in Macau or Hong Kong. Chourifo imported from Portugal to Macau is not available in California and is substituted by linguifa. Some ingredients not available in some western countries had to be substituted for others considered similar. Thus, began a new evolution of Macaense cuisine. Labeled as "fusion cuisine" in America, these recipes are those of a people soon to fade into the historical past. However, the recipes are recorded, even in their new form and evolution, for posterity and future generations, and for those interested in Macaense cuisine. For more information and recipes see the author's book Macaense Cuisine - Origins and Evolution. 202 Jorge da Silva, Antonio M., Macaense Cuisine, 18-19. 174

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA APPENDIX 3 Church Records Reference List Church registers were only implemented in Macau in the eighteenth century. Before that there were no records of birth (baptism) death or marriages. Much of the ancestry of the Macaenses can only be officially traced back to that time. Many records were destroyed by fire, humidity and possibly termites further diminishing the genealogical history of the Macaenses. There is not a single parish in Macau which has a complete record from the first ledger of the parish, so it is hard to know when any time-keeping record began. The parish of Santo Antonio (which is incidentally the oldest) lost all its records in the fire which followed the devastating typhoon of 28 September 1874. The first ledger of the first Christenings (baptism) in Sao Louren<;o parish is in a dreadful state of repair with all its pages out of sequence. The oldest records that can be seen nowadays dates from 1732, but it is not clear whether may have been others beforehand. The Cathedral only has records of Christenings from 1802 with an indication that it is the fifth ledger ... but where are the other four before that and when was the first ledger opened (initiated)?203 Jorge Forjaz, a Portuguese Genealogist, has made a detailed record of the Macaense families in three volumes of Familias Macaenses, listed in the Bibliography. In addition, the later published Os Luso-descendentes do India Portuguesa (three volumes) permits further research of Macaense families whose roots go back to Goa. As the ancestors of the Macaenses immigrated to Macau from not only Portugal, but from Portuguese territories and other countries outside of Macau the search of their ancestral records may be possible from other sources. Those of Macau have been 203 Forjaz, Jorge, Famflias Macaenses, vol. 1, 41. 175

sent to archives in Portugal but before they were sent out the Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter-Day Saints made a complete set of microfilms of those records. Records of Macau in the Microfilm Collection of the Genealogical Library of the Church of Latter-Day Saints, Family History Department Parish Records 1930-1976 Nossa Senhora de Fatima Parish Registers 1821-1976 Santo Antonio Parish Registers 1854-1976 Sao Lazaro Parish Registers 1741-1975 Sao Louren<;o Parish Registers 1775-1976 Santa Se (Cathedral) Parish Registers 1820-1838 Church of England Burial Records 1851-1876 Sao Miguel Arcanjo and Nossa Senhora de Piedade Cemeteries Cemetery Records 1942-1976 Mong Ha Cemetary Death Records 1928-1976 Conde de Sao Januario Hospital Death Records 1911-1964 Provincial Health Association Census Records 1853-1895 Civil Records 1840-1976 176

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Civil Records 1851-1976 Court Records 1754-1977 Court Records - Orphans 1840-1977 Records of Orphans 1829-1930 Santa Casa de Miseric6rdia Records of Orphans 1840-1977 Jufzo de Direito da Comarca (Legal Judgements of Jurisdiction) Testaments 1569-1846 Santa Casa de Miseric6rdia Envoys for Hazards of the Sea 1794-1822 Refugee Records 1942-1957 Refugees from Hong Kong and Shanghai Parish Registers 1855-1975 Taipa - Nossa Senhora do Carma Civil Records 1900-1975 Taipa Parish Records 1908-1976 Coloane - Sao Francisco Xavier Civil Records 1956-1976 Coloane 177

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THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Main References: Books Almeida, Virginia de Castro e Amaro, Ana Maria Anderson, Benedict Arrighi, Giovanni Banham, Tony Bard, Solomon Batalha, Graciete Nogueira ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA BIBLIOGRAPHY Editor of and translator of Conquests and Discoveries of Henry the Navigator - Being the Chronicles of Azurara, George Allen and Unwin, London, 1936. Fi/hos da Terra, lnstituto Cultural de Macau, 1988. Imagined Communities -Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. ed., Verso, London, New York, 1983, 1991. The Long Twentieth Century, Verso, London and New York, 2010. Not the Slightest Chance - The Defence of Hong Kong, 1941, UBC Press, Vancouver & Hong Kong University Press, 2003. We Shall Suffer There, Hong Kong's Defenders Imprisoned, 1942-1945, Hong Kong University Press, 2009. Traders of Hong Kong; Some Merchant Houses 1841-1899, The Urban Council, Hong Kong, 1993. G/ossario do Dialecto Macaense, Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra, lnstituto de Estudos Romanticos, Coimbra, Portugal, 1977. 179

Birch, Alan, and Martin Cole Bosanquet, David Boxer, Charles Ralph Braga, Jose Maria Revista de Cultura - Lingua de Macau o que Joie o que e - no. 20 ( II Serie), Edic;:ao em portugues, lnstituto Cultural de Macau, 1994; also published as English edition in Review of Culture, no. 20 (2nd series), July-September 1994, lnstituto Cultural of Macau. Captive Christmas - The Battle of Hong Kong, December1941, Heinemann Asia, Hong Kong, 1979. Escape Through China -Survival After the Fall of Hong Kong, Robert Hale, London, 1983. Fida/gos in the Far East 1550-1770, Oxford University Press, reprint Hong Kong, 1968. Four Centuries of Portuguese Expansion, 1415-1825: A Succinct Survey, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1969. Macau na Epoca da Restauraroo, vols I e II, Fundac;:ao Oriente, Lisboa, 1993. Race Relations in the Portuguese Colonial Empire 1415-1825, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1963. Seventeenth Century Macau, Heinemann Educational Books (Asia), Hong Kong, 1984. The Great Ship from Amacon, lnstituto Cultural de Macau et al., Macau, 1988. The Portuguese Seaborne Empire -1415-1825, Carcanet Press, Great Britain, 1991. The Western Pioneers and their Discovery of Macao, lmprensa Nacional, Macau, 1949. China Landfa/11513 - Jorge Alvares' Voyage to China, lnstituto Portugues de Hongkong (secc;:ao de hist6ria), lmprensa Nacional, Macau, 1955. 180

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Braga,Jose Pedro Bruce, Phillip Cabral, Joao de Pina, and Nelson Lourenc;:o Campos, Peter E. Coates, Austin Diffie, Bailey W., and George W. Dinus Endacott, G. B. Fei, Chengkang Ferreira, Jose dos Santos Forjaz, Jorge Forjaz, Jorge, ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Tamcio dos Pioneiros Portugueses, Escola Tipografica Salesiana, Macau, 1939. The Portuguese in Hongkong and China, Fundacao Macau, Macau, 1998. Second to None - The Story of the Hong Kong Volunteers, Oxford University Press, New York, Em Terra de Tufoes - Dinamica do Etnicidade Macaense, lnstituto Cultural de Macau, Macau, 1993. Souvenir of Shamshuipo, WW-II Hong Kong POW Camp Sketches, Compiled by Naneli Baptista. Self-Published, 2015 A Macao Narrative, Heinemann Educational Books (Asia), Hong Kong, 1978. Macau and the British, 1637-1842 - Prelude to Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1988. Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580, University of Minnesota Minneapolis, 1977. A History of Hong Kong, 2nd ed., Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1985. Macao 400 Years, The Publishing House of Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, 1996. Doci Papiaram di Macau, lnstituto Cultural de Macau, Macau, 1990. Familias Macaenses, 6 vols, Albergue SCM e Bambu - Sociedade e Artes Limitada, Macau 2017. 181

and Jose Francisco de Noronha Fran~a, Bento da Frank, Andre Gunder Freitas, Jose de Aquino Guimaraes Gomes, Luis Gonzaga, Graca, Jorge Gunn, Geoffrey C. Jorge da Silva, Antonio M. Os Luso-descendentes da India Portuguesa, 3 vols, Funda~ao Oriente, 2nd ed., 2003. Macau e os seus Habitantes, lmprensa Nacional, Lisboa, Portugal, 1897. Reorient - Global Economy in the Asian Age, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1998. Mem6ria sobre Macau, Real lmprensa da Universidade, Coimbra, Portugal, 1828. Macau Factos e Lendas, Edi~ao da Quinzena de Macau, Lisboa, Portugal 1979. Fortificaroes de Macau - Conceprao e Hist6ria, lnstituto Cultural de Macau, 1969. Encountering Macau - A Portuguese City-State on the Periphery of China, 1557-1999, Westview Press, Boulder, Colorado, 1996. The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong - A Pictorial History, lnstituto Internacional de Macau et al., Macau, 2007. Diaspora Macaense to California, Associa<;ao Promotora da lnstru<;ao dos Macaenses, Macau 2009. The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong - A Pictorial History, vol. 2, lnstituto Internacional de Macau et al., Macau, 2010. The Portuguese Community in Shanghai - A Pictorial History, lnstituto Internacional de Macau et al., Macau, 2012. 182

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Lessa, Almerindo Lindsay, Oliver Ljungstedt, Anders Luff, John Marreiros, Carlos Montalto de Jesus, C. A. Mungello, D. E. ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Macaenses- The Portuguese in China, lnstituto Internacional de Macau et al., Macau, 2015 The Portuguese Community in Macau - A Pictorial History, lnstituto Internacional de Macau et al., ~ilJ.Jtff;j!QH.f~ffiJmi.?ffA., Chung Hwa Book, Hong Kong, 2019 Macaense Cuisine - Origins and Evolution, lnstituto Internacional de Macau et al., Macau, 2016 and 2019 A Hist6ria e os Homens da Primeira Republica Democr6tica do Oriente, lmprensa Nacional, Macau, 1974. The Lasting Honour - The Fall of Hong Kong 1941, London, Sphere Books, 1978. An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China, reprint of the 1836 edition, Viking Hong Kong Publications, Hong Kong, 1992. The Hidden Years, South China Morning Post, Hong Kong, 1967. Revista de Cultura - Alianras para o Futuro - no. 20 (II Serie), Edi~ao em portugues, lnstituto Cultural de Macau, 1994; also published as English edition in Review of Culture, no. 20 (2nd series), July-September 1994, the lnstituto Cultural of Macau. Historic Macao, 2nd ed., 1926, reprinted by Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1984. The Great Encounter of China and the West, 1500-1800, 3rd. ed., Rowman and Littlefield, Plymouth, UK, 2009. 183

Parry, John H. Pereira, J. F. Marques Pinto, Fernao Mendes Ride, Edwin Seibert, Gerhard Senna Fernandes, Miguel, and Baxter, Alan Silva, Beatriz Basta da Silva, Frederic A. "Jim" The Age of Reconnaissance, Discovery, Exploration and Settlement 1450 to 1650, California University Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1981. Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo, Serie I, vols. 1-11 and Ill-IV, Antiga Casa Bertrand, Lisboa, 1899-1900. Peregrinac;ao, Transcri~ao de Adolfo Casais Monteiro, 3Q tir., lmprensa Nacional - Casada Maeda, Lisboa,1988. BAAG: Hong Kong Resistance 1942-1945, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1981. Comrades, Clients and Cousins - Colonialism, Socialism and Democratization in Sao Tome and Principe, 2nd ed., Brill Academic Publishers, 2006. Maquista Chapado - Vocabulary and Expressions in Macao's Portuguese Creole, lnstituto Cultural do Governo da Regiao Especial Administrativa de Macau, 2004. Cronologia da Hist6ria de Macau, 5 vols, Direc~ao dos Servi~os de Educa~ao e Juventude, Macau, 1998. Emigra<;iio de Cu/es - Dossier Macau, 1851-1894, Funda~ao Oriente, Macau,1994. Things I Remember, self-published, San Francisco, 1999. "All our Yesterdays ... " The Sons of Macao - Their History and Heritage, UMA, California,1979. Things I Remember, Mosaico, Vol. XVII, Macau, 2010. 184

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Teixeira, Fr. Manuel Warrin, Donald, and Geoffrey L. Gomes Yvanovich, Philippe ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA The Macanese -A Legacy of Portugal in China, Mosaico, Vol. XXIV, Macau, 2012. Macau Atraves dos Seculos, lmprensa Nacional de Macau, 1977. Macau Durante a Guerra, B.I.L.C. NQ 1 and 2, Boletim do lnstituto Lufs de Cam6es, Macau, 1981. Macau no Sec. XVIII, lmprensa Nacional de Macau, 1984. 0 Comercio de Escravos em Macau - The so-called Portuguese Slave Trade in Macao, Separata dos nos. 1 e 2 do Vol X do Boletim do lnstituto Lufs Cam6es, lmprensa Nacional, Macau, 1976. Revista de Cultura - Origem dos Macaenses -no. 20 (II Serie), Edi~ao em portugues, lnstituto Cultural de Macau, 1994; also published as English edition in Review of Culture, no. 20 (2nd series), July-September 1994, the lnstituto Cultural of Macau. Land, as Far as the Eye Can See: Portuguese in the Old West, updated edition, Tagus Press at U Mass Dartmouth, 2013. My Wartime Experience, December 1941-December 1945 (Corporal 3625), self-published, Australia, 2009. 185

Articles and Unpublished Manuscripts Barreiros, Leopoldo Danilo Bell, Susan Bridge, Ron (CFEPOW) Delgado, Miguel Lam, Wai-man Jorge da Silva, Antonio M. Kaeding, Malte Philipp Ozorio, Horatio F. Dialecto Portugues de Macau, unpublished "Ex-Libris" manuscript dated January 4, 1943, with collection of articles previously published in Renascimento, Macau. We are Family, University of Southern California Dornsife, College of Letters, Arts and Sciences, News and Events Article, August 7, 2013. Hong Kong Detachment POWs at Shamshuipo Camp, Tab-delimited file. Memoirs on Clementi Cecil Delgado, personally handed to the author July 27, 2008. "Promoting Hybridity: The Politics of the New Macau Identity," The China Quarterly, 203, September 2010, 656-74. Macau - As the Jatef ul day approaches. Lusitano Bulletin, vol. 1, bk. 3, September 15, 1992. "Refugiados da Segundo Guerra." Based on interview with Edris d' Aquino de Carvalho, Lusitano Bulletin, vol. 2, bk. 2, 1993 and Lusitano Bulletin, vol. 2, bk. 4, 1993 "Macaenses - Descendants of the Portuguese," Lusitano Bulletin, vol. 4, bk. 2, June 15, 1995. "The Evolution of Macao's Identity: Toward Ethno-cultural Civic-based Development," The Journal of Comparative Asian Development, 9:1, 2010, 133-68. Who are the Diaspora in America? Diaspora Macaense na America website - "About Us," October 23, 2003. 186

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Pi~arra, Nuno, and Ana Rita Gil Ribeiro, Luis Filipe "Luigi" Vieira Rosario, Cicero Other Sources ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA http://www.diasporamacaense.org/ About%20us.ht m. EUDO Citizenship Observatory, Report: Portugal, revised and updated November 2012, European University Institute, Florence, Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Studies, 2012. "The POW Memoirs of a Private and a Gentleman," Lusitano Bulletin, vol. 6, no. 4, San Francisco, California 1997. "Some Letters to the Press Ribeiro Wrote on Behalf of Ex-POWs and Their Widows," Lusitano Bulletin, vol. 7, no. 2, summer 1998, 33. "Cicero Rosario's P.O.W. Memoirs - Experiences at Sendai Camp, Kyushu, Japan," Lusitano Bulletin, vol. 16, no. 1, San Francisco, California 2008. Pela Patria, 3 vols, Organiza~ao da Colonia Portuguesa de Shanghai, 1940-42. All about Shanghai, A Standard Guidebook, the University Press, Shanghai, edition 1934-35. Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1931. 187

US Department of State Other References Barraclough, Geoffrey, ed. Barros, Joao de Bosanquet, David Cunha, Luis Sa, ed. Dir. McDougall, Michael Rangel, Sofia Alexandra Microfilmed Records from Macau, Genealogical Library of the Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter Day Saints. Microfilm item 1127544. Hong Kong Telegraph, English daily newspaper in Hong Kong. Macau Daily Times, English daily newspaper in Macau. Paulo Coutinho, Director. South China Morning Post, English daily newspaper in Hong Kong. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 (The Mccarron-Walter Act), Site ofThe Office of Electronic Information, Bureau of Public Affairs. Date accessed May 27, 2008. Times Atlas of the World, rev. ed., London, 1984. Decadas, Selecp:io, Prefacio e Notas de Antonio Baioo, vols 1-4, Livraria Sada Costa - Editora, Lisboa, Portugal, 1945. Escape Through China - Survival after the Fall of Hong Kong, Robert Hale, London, 1983. Revista de Cultura N9 20, (II Serie) Ediroo em portugues - also printed in English as Review of Culture, no. 20 (2nd series), English edition, The Macanese - Anthropology, History, Ethnology, lnstituto Cultural de Macau, 1994. "Life in an Outport: Swatow before Pearl Harbor," Lusitano Bulletin, San Francisco, California, 1994. Fi/hos da Terra, A Comunidade Macaense, Ontem e Hoje, lnstituto Internacional de Macau, 2012. 188

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Sa, Lufs Andrade de Silva, Renelde Justo Bernardo da Wright-Nooth, George ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA The Boys from Macau - Portugueses em Hong Kong, Funda~ao Oriente and lnstituto Cultural de Macau, 1999. A ldentidade Macaense - The Macanese Identity, lnstituto Internacional de Macau, 2001. Prisoner of the Turnip Heads, Combined and Mark Adkin Books, 1994, Cassell, 2000. 189

190

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA INDEX A Africa and Africans, Albuquerque, Afonso de, 18, 22 Alcoforado, Joze Pinto (Captain), 67-68 amahs ( domestic servants), 94-95, 97-99 A-Ma (Goddess of the Sea), 24 A-Ma-0, 24 Amaral, Joao Maria Ferreira de, (Governor), 77-78 maltreatment of Chinese, 77 Andrade, Fernao Peres de, 22 Andrade, Simao de, 22 Aomen, 28; see also Ou-Mun Arabs, 15, 17 Arriaga, Miguel de ( Ouvidor - Crown Judge), 12, 66-68 Azores and Azoreans, immigrants to America, 140-141 B barrier gate, 26; see also porta do cerco Buddhism and Buddhists, 40, 68 C Canton Trade Fair, 23-24, 34 Captain-major, 35-36 casados (married men), 45-46 Casa Branca (and Mandarin of), 69 Casas de Macau, 160 Catholic Relief Services, 133 Cheng-Ho (Admiral Zheng-He), 16 Cheung-Po Tsai (Cam Po Sai), 13, 67-68 China and the Chinese; ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA destruction of Portuguese settlement in Liampo, 22-23 edicts by Emperors, 64, 68, 191

farmers and fishermen, 26, 159 first encounter with Portuguese, 18, 21, 45 physical appearance, 21 relations with Macaense, Portuguese, 59-62, 65, 77, 105 resistance to Portuguese autonomy, 77-79 silk, 33-34, 38 trade fair, 23-24; see also Canton Trade Fair, trade relations with Portuguese, 27, 34 China Trade: bribes and tributes, 23, 30, 60, 63 disorder in Guangzhou and Whampoa, 64 International, 29, 62-63, 65 American involvement, 68-69 forbidden trade with Japan, 26-28 Portuguese monopoly, 62-63 China under the rule of: Qing (Ch'ing) Dynasty, 68, 115, 134 Ming Dynasty, 16-17, 28 Chinese: ancestry, 143 first encounter with Portuguese, 18, 21-22 Christianity and spread of, 16-17 35, 40, 46, 56 Club de Recreio, 94 cohabitation, 45-47, 50 Co-Hong, 63, 68 Communists and Nationalists, 115, 132-134 Coloane, 82, 85, 87, 104, 151, 155-156 colonization, 28, 30, 58, 77-78, 89-90, 92-93, 145, 159 Confucian and Confucianism, 16, 23 coolie trade, 77, 82-84 Cotai and Cotai Strip, 155-157 cuisine, Macaense and fusion, 173-174 Cultural Revolution, 100, 147-149 D Discrimination: 192

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA by British, 62, 90-93, 131, 139, 160 by Chinese,26, 62 by Europeans, 62, 106 by Macaenses, 54, 92, 94-95, 105-106, 128 by Portuguese, 105-106 by USA immigration quotas, 136 by color of skin, 39, 49, 54, 57, 95, 98, 135, 139 European barbarians, 27-28, 57, 59, 62-63 social; see Macaense socially tiered society. table of familial distribution, 48-49 DNA, 49-50 Dutch, 37-39 E attack on Macau, 29, 31, 39 blockade of Goa, 39 capture of Malacca, 39 covet for Japan trade, 37-38 covet for Macau, 48 intervention of Portuguese trade monopoly, 38-42 East India Company - Dutch, 38 East India Company - English, 38, 62, 66 Elliot, Charles, (Captain), 69-70 Encontros (Macaense gatherings), 143, 160 English covet for China trade, 61 covet for Macau, 48, 59, 62 in Japan, 38 ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA intervention of Portuguese trade monopoly, 38-40, 62 takeover of Portuguese trade monopoly, 62-63 Estado da India, 46-47 Eurasians, 35, 46, 90, 93, 95, 121 Lusa-Asiatic, 11, 45, 47 Lusa-Chinese, 57 Lusa-Japanese, 35 Luso-Macaense, 35 Luso-Malaccan, 35 193

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Hong Kong Volunteer Defense Corps (HKVDC), 115 Hong Kong Defense Force, "Original 99", 115 ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corporation, 90-91, 125, 131 Hongs and Co-Hong, 63, 68, 93 Hoppo (Guangdong Customs Commissioner),63, 68 I Immigration and Nationality Services Act, 136 India and Indians, 26 India portuguesa; also see Estado da India, 46-47 Indiana (Brig), 13, Indo-Portuguese, 35 intermarriage: J with Africans, 56 with Goans and Indians, 45, 50-51 with Malays and Malaccans, 46, 50-51 with Japanese, 35, 41-42, 46, 50-51 with Chinese, 45-46, 48, 56-58 with British and Europeans, 48, 58, 90 among Macaenses, 47, 57-58 Japan and the Japanese, anti-Christian persecutions, 40 armed Japanese retainers, 37 bakufu (military government),41-42 banishment of Japanese-Christians and half-castes, 41 Bonzes (Buddhist priests), 40 Christians, spread of Christianity, 34-35, 38-40 daimyos, 35 discovery ot 33 Dutch in Japan, 37-40, 59 English in Japan, 38-40 expulsion of Portuguese and missionaries, 39-42, 59 end of Macau-Japan trade, 42 fears of subversive activities, 39 forbidden trade with China; see also China Trade, 26-28, 33 195

half-casts of Portuguese descent, 35, 37, 41 Japanese women, wives and children, 37, 41-43, 46 Lusa-Japanese community, 35 marriage to Portuguese settlers, 35 missionaries to and in Japan, 38-40, 42 payment of Respondencia, 37, 41-42 physical appearance, 43 "red-sail ships", 38, 41 shoguns, 35, 38 use of Portuguese vocabulary, 43 Japan Trade, 34, 36-38, 61 Japan-Manila trade, 34, 38, 48 Jesuits in Japan, 35, 39-41 Jorge, Jose Vicente Caetano, 12, 70-71, 83 Jus Soli, 166 Jus Sanguinis, 166 K Kaffirs, 41 Kristang (Malaccan patois), 40, 43 Kurofame(Black Ship), 39 L Lin Tin Island (location of), 21, see also Tamao Lin Zexu (Lin Tze-hsu), 69-70 lorcha, 26, 75-76 M Macaense: adopting Chinese nationality status✓ 170 ancestry, 49, 56, 58, 100, 125, 144, 161, 157, 175 after the handover, 137-138 baptismal record page from 1823, 55-56, 169 British subjects, 89-92, 128-129, 134 Catholicism, 46-47 clerks (subordinate to British), 77, 89-93, 96, 129 coexistence with other cultures, 51, 160 196

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA cohabitation, 47, 50 community in Hong Kong, 84, 89-96, 135-137, 157, 170-171 community in Japan, 35, 37, 41-43 community in Macau, 135, 137, 157, 168-169 community in Shanghai, 84, 89-90, 95-96, 100, 137, 165 cuisine (Luso-Asian fusion), 173-174 descendants of, 100, 145, 160 descendants of the Portuguese, 11, 45, 145, 159 diaspora, 131, 134-137, 145 dining manner (18th century), 54 DNA, 49-50 dress, 51-54 elite, 47, 105; see also Macaense socially tiered society. emigration to Brazil, 136 emigration to Hong Kong and Shanghai, 81, 84, 89, 131-132 emigration to Portugal, 135 emigration to United States, 135-136 emigration to western countries, 132-137, 160-161 employment in Shanghai and Treaty Ports, 77 folksong in Patua, 53-54 ''footnote in history", 11, 161 genes and gene pool, 43, 47, 50, 58, 144, 157 heung-ha (ancestral home), 160 identity, 56, 58, 89, 95-96, identity after diaspora, 138-145, 160 imagined nationalism, 95, 134-135 immigrants in California, 140-142 inferiority complex, 95, 139 intermarriage, 46 -48, 50, 56-58, 155 in California, 140-142 in WWII, 118-124 linguistic ability, 63-64, 90, 113, 170 living in grand style, 37 Malay words, 50 matrilineal ancestors, 43; see also racial mix memories of the past, 160-161 miscegenation, 12, 35, 37,41-43, 45-48, 50-51, 56-58, 90, 143-144, 155 national status issue, 165 197

nicknames, 98, 152 Patua, (also Macaista), 50, 54, 113, 135 patrilineal ancestors, 45, 50, 58 physical appearance, 46, 50 primogenitors, progenitors of, 45, 58 racial mix, 43, 46, 143 with Africans, 46, 50 with Chinese, 46, 51, 58, 160 with Japanese, 35, 46, 50-51 with Goans and Indians, 35, 46, 51 with Malaccans and Malays, 35, 46, 50-51 with other Asians, 46, 50 registration in Portuguese consulates: 165 relationship with Chinese, 95-96, 105, 160 rivalry between communities, 97, 128-129 socially tiered society, 48, 53, 105, 108, 112-113; see also Macau social hierarchy sports, 94, 97 women, 105 Macaista, 50, 113; see also Patua, Macanese (English term origins), 11, 89, 141-142, 144-145 Macaense ( definition of name), 89 Macau: aerial transporta tion, 104, 155 autonomous rule over, 28, 30, 60 base of trade, 30, 62-63 b ase of foreign traders, 64-65 before Portuguese settlement, 24-30 bei-meen (give face), 60 "boat people" (Tanka), 104, 159 boundaries (territorial), 29, 81-82 bribes (tributes), 27, 60 buildings and real estate, 104, 112, 132, 151, 157-158 Chinese population, 103-104, 154-155, 168-170 Church records reference list, 175-177 city wall, 29, 31 discrimination in, 48-49, 57-58, 62, 105-106 dowries, 35, 57-58 198

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Dutch attack, 29, 39 Dutch threat to occupy, 48, early settlers, 45-47,50-51, 56 economic decline, 39, 48, 59, 77-78, 81, 84 economic growth, 151, 154-155, 157 economic survival, 48, 59 end of Macau-Japan trade, 42 English (British) threat to occupy, 48, 59-62,65 fortifications for defense, 29, 61 "free port" declaration, 77 gambling and casinos, 78, 147-149, 151, 155 governors, 29, 35-36, 66, 69, 77 ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA government, 36, 47-48, 64, 67, 69-70, 77-78, 81, 85, 104, 127, 133, 137, 143,160 government officials, 47, 54, 112-113 government MSAR, 143, 157, 160, 168-170 Guia lighthouse, 84, 157 handover to China, 30, 137, 152, 154 held to ransom/ fines and threat of border closure, 59-60, 70 horse racing and racecourse (canidrome), 104, 151 Industrial Exposition, 103 influx of Malay women and children, 39-40 infrastructure, 84-85, 151, 155 location, 21 men dress (18th century), 53 merchants, 26-27, 34-41,47-48, 58, 63, 66-67, 70, 75-76, 78, 104, 127 military personnel, 47-48, 58, 71, 78-80, 104-105 missionaries and priests, 39, 84 MSAR, RAEM, 153-154, 157, 160, 168-170 multiracial community, 37, 46-47, 50, 154 name origin, 28 opium in, 68-69 orphans and orphanages, 57-58 Patua (patois), 48, 50, 53-54, 113, 135; see also Macaista, pirates and piracy, 67-68, 75, 84-85 population, 41, 80-81, 84, 104, 107, 126-127, 131, 154, 157, 169 port of refuge and residence, 64, 75 port of trade, 63-64 199

Porta do Cereo (Barrier Gate), 26, 59 Porto Exterior (Outer Harbor), 84, 104 Portuguese rule of, 30, 59-60 Portuguese community in, (see Macaense community in Macau) Procurador, 69 public service, 104 reclamation of land, 84, 147, 154-156 refugees in Macau, WWII, 113, 125-129, 131 refugees in Macau from Shanghai, 133 refugee centers, 127-128 refugee subsidy from British Government, 127 refugees from Shanghai after Communist takeover, 133, 135 relationship w ith Chinese, 59-62, 105; see also China and Chinese rent (ground rent), 26, 28, 30 residents (racial distribution of), 48-49, 107 Santa Casa de Miseric6rdia orphanage, 57-58 schools and education, 113, 128 Senate and senators, 36-38, 47, 57-58, 62-64, 70, 77, 149 settlement of, 26-30, 36, 45-46 slaves and slavery, 37, 41, 56, 80 Sociedade de Turismo e Diversoes (STDM), 148 social hierarchy, 47-48, 105, 112-113, 128; see also Macaense tiered society, tourist attraction, 84-85, 151 university of, 157 villas, 107-108, 110-111 women dress (18th century), 53 Macau-Nagasaki trade, 34, 42 mae patria (mother country), 135, 159 Malabar Coast, 15, 17-18 Malacca, capture by Portuguese, 18 capture by Dutch, 51 Mandarins, 23, 26, 28, 48, 59-60, 62, 67, 75 Mandarin of Casa Branca, 67, 69 Manila, Philippines, 34, 38, 41, 48, 69 Maquista (patois), 48 poems, plays and songs, 53-54, 152-153 200

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA Mascarenhas, Francisco de, 29 Mesquita, Vicente Nicolau de,79, 149-150 mestic_,os (half-castes), 90 Ming Dynasty, China, 16-17 Mongha,Macau,24,26 muitsais, 46, 51, 56, 97, 173 N Nagasaki, 34-35, 37-42, 59 Nau do trato, 39 Nationalist Party, China, 115, 133-134 nhonhonas (nyonyas), 173; see also Malay women 0 Opium; see also under Macau, 68-70 Opium Wars, 70-71, 75, 82, 159, 165 orfas del Rei (King's orphans from Portugal), Ou-Mun (Macau), 28 Ou-Mun Kei Leak (publication), 52- 53 Ou-Mun Potonga-Yan, 171; see also Ou-Mun Yan Ou-Mun Yan, 105, 171 Ouvidor, 36, 66; see also Arriaga, Miguel de p Padrao (stone monument land claim), 18, Pais dos Cristaos, 56 Pak Shan Lan, Passaleao, 79-80 Patois (Patua), 50, 54, 113, 135; see also Macaense Macaista Pearl (Xijiang) River, location in relation to Macau, 24 ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Philip II of Spain, 37; see also D. Filipe I, under Portuguese kings Pinto, Fernao Mendes, 33 Pinto, Adriao Acacio da Silveira (Governor), 69 Pirates and piracy: Chinese, 27, 29, 34, 66-67, 84-85 Japanese and Wako, 28, 33-34 Pires, Tome, 22 Portuguese: 201

ancestry, 143 citizenship, 135, 165-166 descendants of, 47, 135 nationality status, 135, 166-170 nationality law, 166 passports, 135, 165, 167-169 physical appearance, 21 rein6is, 49, 56 ships, 23, 27, 47 women sent to Asia, 47 Portuguese communities, see Macaenses Portuguese Crown, 36, 47 Portuguese in China Illicit trade, 22-23 control of trade, 62-63 Portuguese kings: D. Afonso I, D. Filipe I; see also Philip II of Spain, 37, 59 D. Joao I, D. Jose I, 56 D. Manuel I, 56 D. Pedro I, D. Sebastiao I, 56 Portuguese Voyages of Discovery, 15-16 Portuguese No 5 and No. 6 Light Anti-Aircraft Company, 118-120; see also Hong Kong Volunteer Defense Corps (HKVDC) Praia Grande, 9, 108-109, 128, 147-148 Prisoner of War Camp, Hong Kong: Argyle Street, 120, 123 Shamshuipo, 120-123 Prisoner of War Camp, Sendai, Japan, 120, 123-124 Q Qing Dynasty emperors: Jiaqing (Chia-Ching), 68 K angxi (K'ang Hsi, 62 Yongzheng (Yung-Chen), 68 202

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA R Refugee Relief Act, 135 rein6is, 49, 56 respondencia (loan with premium), 37, 42 riots: Hong Kong, 134, 136-137 ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Star Ferry Riot, Hong Kong 1967 (Elsie Elliot Riot), 136 Macau in 1966, 136-137, 149-150 s Sanchuan (Shang Chuan), 23-24; see also Sao Joa.a Island Sao J oao Island, 24 Santa Casada Miseric6rdia (Holy House of Mercy), 57-58, 150, 177 Santa Casa orphanage and orphans, 57-58, 113, 177 Santo Antonio, Jose de, 12, 57 Sao Paulo fort, 29 Sendai coal mines, 123-124 Shanghai, Portuguese community in, 84, 137, 165 trading port, 84 Shanghai Volunteer Corps (SVC), 96 Silk Road, 15 silk trade, 15, 38 Silva, Anacleto Jose da, 13, 67 slaves and slavery, in Macau, 26, 37, 39, 41, 49, 54-56, 80, 83, 173 banishing slavery in Macau, 82 first captives by Portuguese, 56 slave trade, 82-83 soldados (soldiers) Portuguese, 45 Spain and the Spaniards, 15 spices and spice trade, 15-18 T Tanegashima, 33 Taipa, 85, 155-156 203

Tamao (T'uen Men), 21-22; see also Lintin Island Tim.or, 47-49 Tokugawa Ieyasu, 38, 40; see also shoguns, under Japan and the Japanese Tau T' oi (military superintendentt 13, 70-71 t' ou sang po yan, 171; see also Filo or Filas de Macau, Macaenses Toyotomi Hideyoshi, 39-40; see also shoguns, under Japan and the Japanese Trade routes,15, 17-18, 40, 45 T'uen Men (Tamao), 21-22 Treaty of Defence (English-Dutch), 40 Treaty of Nanjing, 71-72 Treaty of Peking, 30, 81 Treaty ports, 71-72 Treaty of Tiensin, 79 u United States of America: China quota, 135 emmigration to, 135 in China Trade, 68-69 Universal Exposition, Paris, 105 V Viceroy of Portuguese India (in Goa), 36, 47 Voyages of Discovery, 15-18 w Wako, see under pirates W anghia, 24; see also Mongha Wellesley, Marquess, 66 World War II, see Hong Kong WWII and Japanese occupation X Xavier, St. Francis, 24 z Zheng He, Admiral (Cheng Ho), 16 204

Portuguese Soldiers returning after the Battle of Passaleao 1849 P. 79 Shanghai Volunteer Corps, Portuguese Company 1914 P.97 Children and Amahs, Hong Kong 1940 P.99 Macau and Hong Kong communities P. 101 Shanghai community P. 102 Praia Grande looking northeast, circa 1940 P. 109 Praia Grande looking northeast, 1968 P. 109 Chacara Leitao 1905 P. 110 Casa Branca 1917, Vila Alegre 1921 P. 111 Two-story residences in the center of the city - Macau 1973 P. 112 Japanese attack Hong Kong December 8-25, 1941 P. 117 Japanese capture Hong Kong December 25, 1941 P. 117 No.5 Portuguese Machine Gun Company 1937 P. 118 206

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Author's Autobiography Antonio Manuel Maria Pacheco Jorge da Silva was born on the 4th of July 1938 in his grandfather's house at 20 Rua da Penha in Macau. He attended King George V School in Hong Kong and later gained his Diploma in Architecture at the Portsmouth School of Architecture, now Portsmouth University, in Hampshire, England. He practised his profession as a licensed architect in the United Kingdom of Great Britain, the United States of America, Hong Kong and Macau. He is a member of the American Institute of Architects. His interest in the history of the Portuguese people and the genealogy of the Macaenses led to the publication of several books and articles on the subject. In 1996, his first book, The Portuguese -An Outline History of their Origin and Voyages of Discovery, was self-published. He realised that the diaspora of the Macaenses after World War II would eventually lead to the dissipation of the history, culture and collective memory of the Macaense people. His concern to record this before it vanishes led to over a decade of research, collecting photographs, identifying the people in them and documenting aspects of 209

the daily lives of many families in that community following World War II. All this led to the publication of several history books: The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong- 2007. (Pictorial History) Diaspora Macaense to California - 2009. (Pictorial History) The Portuguese Community in Hong Kong, Volume JI - 2010. (Pictorial History) The Portuguese Community in Shanghai - 2012. (Pictorial History) Macaenses, The Portuguese in China - 2015 Macaense Cuisine, Origins and Evolution - 2016 (with recipes) The Macau Portuguese Courage, Endurance and Adaptation - 2019. (Chinese translation) The Portuguese Community in Macau - 2019. (Pictorial History) Macaense Cuisine, History and Evolution, 2nd Edition - 2019 (with recipes) An accomplished speaker, the author has also lectured widely about the Macaense community. He has also participated in the Oral History Program conducted by the University of California, Berkeley, giving an oral history interview, which was recorded with the transcript deposited at the Bancroft Library and the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). He has assisted PhD students from several universities in Great Britain and the USA with their thesis giving them information and guidance on the history of the 210

THE PORTUGUESE IN CHINA ANTONIO M. JORGE DA SILVA Macaense people. He has also assisted other authors with their books several of which have been published. The book Macaense Cuisine - Origins and Evolution 2016 was awarded the prize of the best book about the evolution of Macau Portuguese culinary culture by "Gourmand World Cookbook 2019". 211

0 nome desta colecc;ao ~~ ~~ transfere para o tempo de hoje uma fronteira topol6gica do passado. A delimitac;ao, na velha urbe, entre a "cidade crista" (portuguesa, ocidental, cat61ica) e o "bazar" (a "cidade china", da cultura tradicional) e da religiao popular). Fidelizada ao prop6sito do IIM de preservar a mem6ria e a identidade de Macau, com vista ao futuro, servira esta Colecc;ao de ponto de reuniao de textos onde se registem, sobretudo, mem6rias da Macau de matriz portuguesa, da Macau de referencias ocidentais, da Macau macaense. No activo culto de uma unidade macaense feita de diversidades. 0 programa editorial desta Colecc;ao decorre das actividades do Centro de Estudos da Diaspora e da Identidade Macaense do Instituto Internacional de Macau. 9 789996 559556